Countering Taliban Terrorism

The celebrations for the restoration of the Chief Justice had not even begun and the nation was gifted with the exorbitant rise in the plague known as the Taliban.

The lack of justice, collapse of the educational system, the failure to address the basic problems and defend the rights of the disenfranchised had created a vacuum in the state apparatus. The failures of successive government institutions over the past sixty years had become ingrained in the psyche of the population. No one seemed to rise up and offer a constructive, progressive and viable alternative.

In this vacuum, it was thus not surprising that criminal elements would rear their ugly heads. The lure of quick money for the unskilled, uneducated and indoctrinated in a state that had given up its responsibilities was too powerful and easy to give up. Just like criminals have a field day when security lapses, the Taliban and their decadent beliefs had a field day in wrecking havoc in Swat. Preventing children from recieving polio vaccinations, preventing girls from attaining education and banning music are some of the most assinine examples of their decadent ideology.

While understanding this phenomenon is critical to finding a solution, harping about the failures of the past helps no one. Often our political leaders stoop to constantly regurgitating the need to 'understand' the rise of criminals and Taliban. This explanation at some point starts to sound like a justification and becomes not only counter productive but self-defeating. Such arguments lead one into a corner. For example, earlier this year, some opposition politicians were eager to highlight that there is a difference between the problems in Swat and those of FATA. We were told that the militants in Swat are fighting for their brand of religion (and supposedly, justice). In contract, the fight in FATA was a result of the spillover from the failed policies of NATO. Yet, we find the same politicians today, perhaps to score points, link the fight in Swat to drone attacks in FATA because it has become impossible to give credible justification to the loonies operating in black turbans.

We all hear from our elders of how after partition in 1947, the courts, the police and the bureaucracy of the nation worked with extreme efficiency. The neutrality ingrained by the colonial system in the rules of governance was still in tact. Rulers, including the generals, took care to follow the law. The judges were seen as figures of worthy of extreme respect. Justice was done and seen to be done in most realms of Pakistan.

If today, that British-built system of justice no longer provides relief, should we all pick up guns and start become, looters, murderers and barbarians? Based on the constant rant bordering on 'justification' of rise of criminals, should Punjabis, who remember better days in the early stages of Pakistan, start to arm themselves? If these politicians were 'revolutionaries', then it could make sense. But they are self-proclaimed borderline reformist at best. Including most of us. We should act accordingly.

It seems the argument presented for Swat's demise to Talibanism is amateurish and increasingly sounds like a point-scoring exercise. Particularly if the fascist policies of Taliban are not treated with the same vehemence as those practiced in Karachi by Altaf Hussain. It is unfortunate that we refuse to see the synonyms between the two fascist entities and instead treat them with unequal ferocity. In fact, the Taliban were out rightly rejected by the people of Swat in what everyone considers was a free and fair election in 2008. Voters went to the ballot box despite threats of being bombed by the Taliban, kicked out parties lead by religious personalities and brought in ANP and PPP.

But knowing about the rise of Taliban terrorism is only one side of the coin. Pakistan's internal collapse was all the more notorious only because of the support of militant outfits that were operating at will in locations outside Pakistan. To date, there is no blunt condemnation of the role of the Pakistan establishment in arming and abetting the 'jihadis'. One the one hand the governance system was allowed to collapse and on the other, the state supported the mushrooming growth of decadence inspired by religion. That decadence was 'acceptable' as long as it was directed outside the frontiers, supported the local dictators or foreign powers.
Pakistan's policy of aiding the rebels in Afghanistan at behest of the West with full financial, moral, cinematic (Rambo III) and political backing is still considered the 'right policy' by many in the country. But today's war on terror suddenly seems unacceptable.

While the 'war on terror' should never have been Pakistan's war, the argument becomes difficult to sustain when the state has been complicit in perpetuating 'non-state' actors to commit their violent acts across international borders. Be it those in Afghanistan in the 1980's or in Kashmir in the 1990's. These 'non-state' actors and those supporting them only hurt Pakistan's ability to become a self-sustaining and respectable nation. The Afghan policy only harmed Pakistan in the 1980's under Zia. The same is true of Musharaf's policies in FATA. Unless we make blanket rejection of our past policies undertaken at the behest of and for the support of non-democratic and external forces, we cannot convincingly claim that this is not our war.

To a large extent we are reaping what we sowed.

If we are to understand the 'problem' we need to call out to amend our past policies as well as reform the state institutions. Taliban ideology is the manifestation of all that is wrong in Pakistan and is the 'jahaliya' of the era. It is the 'dajjal' of our time. The decadent ideology of the Taliban offers nothing but a relegation to a life of swine-hood.

Without a vision where justice is easily accessible, where a standardized school system will not disappoint, where basic health facilities are available, where peasants till their own land and the feudal lord has been decapitated, where men and women learn skills to become economically independent, where minds are taught to be progressive, to love and further knowledge, to make music, poetry, art, to create, without encouraging and establishing these ingredients and mechanisms, the war against barbaric Taliban terrorism cannot be won.

Let's be clear. Military might must be used with vicious force when barbarians forcefully overthrow the sacred legal system of Pakistan. We must support this with the same passion as we support the trial of Musharaf under Article 6 for subverting the constitution. But military might will be futile if it is not backed by plans for a better system as sadly is currently the case.

The spate of terrorist attacks which have begun across Pakistan threaten each of us. Today is our test - just like the two years of struggle to restore the Chief Justice was our test. But now, we must go further and re-imagine Pakistan. This is where the role of all political parties becomes vital as the Army cannot win wars.

Political parties, rather than engaging in point scoring exercises, should develop constructive models that offer us something more than apologetic arguments for reasons for the existence of swine known as the Taliban. Already we can see the superior courts lead by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary working to clean out the corrupt practices and personalities in the judicial system. The uplifting declaration that backlog of cases be cleared and that a case should be resolved within a year gives tremendous hope that this system, our system as ennunciated by the Constitution of 1973 is far superior to anything anyone has ever implemented in this land. The judiciary needs the focused support of all political parties as the CJ cannot clean house on his own. The political parties are the entities that can provide the support. If political parties like Maududi's progeny continue to obfuscate the issue, they are becoming an obstacle to the next critical steps in achieving judicial independence and deserve to be labelled as 'Taliban sympathisers'.

It is surprising that the political parties who were at the forefront of the movement for justice over the past two years have lapsed into bickering over whether Taliban terrorism has justification or not. Instead of this apologetic stance, it would be much better to continue supporting the cause for an independent judiciary by remaining true to this agenda and sticking with it, supporting it and condemning, opposing and rejecting anyone, anywhere in Pakistan who tries to destroy this agenda - be they in black turbans or in khakis.

If PTI and other important national parties take this stand, they will take the air out of any argument for an armed lunacy that is seeking to prop up a decadent and obscene system supposedly practiced in the past. We have a better system and it needs the support of all members of society - parliament, opposition, judiciary, military, bureaucracy and civil society to help reform and work.

Pakistan's people are our most precious assets. It is humiliating that we have to resort to armed force to restore order. Even more that millions of our people have to become homeless and live in a limbo and need all our support. Rather than constantly be swayed by these painful individual events, we should seek to tear out the source of this malaise. Supporting the process of democracy, no matter how flawed and upholding the constitution is the first step. Continuing to support our judicial system (rather than the fairy tales of the past) is another step. Anyone who blatantly rejects the constitution of Pakistan while simultaneously refusing to bring change via democratic means reflects a growth in the cancer. It should be dealt with accordingly.

Nawaz does everything right

It seems the man can do no wrong. His maneuverings since returning from hijaz have been well-calculated, and if seen in the context of political intrigue, seem surprisingly bereft of greed. He came and unexpectedly eradicated the equation painlessly doctored by Musharaf for the post-2008 elections in the Punjab and Pakistan. He stood by the Chief Justice and Nawaz's 'heroic' move out of his Model Town residence and across Lahore will at one time or another be used to prop up his status of 'defiance'. While that Long March move was more of a drama - especially since the workers of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf and civil society had borne most of the brunt at GPO Chowk on March 15 - the resistance to engage against and bring down the current government shows political maturity. Nawaz is seething with patience - which will unlikely run out despite his probable re-entry into the parliament after the judicial verdict of May 26.

Now with the declaration that the NFC award will take into account factors other than population, Nawaz and the PML-N have gone a step further. While the PML-N has serious issues with regard to its lack of represenatation in the non-Punjab provinces, the willingness to alter the formula of the NFC award is admirable. If the Punjab Assembly can pass a resolution demanding a change and is willing to sacrifice some revenues for the betterment of the other provinces, it would constructively help in creating provincial harmoy, providing PML-N with votes in the smaller provinces and bolstering the federation.

While I do not support Nawaz Sharif, one cannot dismiss his evolution as a politician. From the child of the military, he no longer hesitates in stating that having a large Army has hurt the country by diverting resources and that Kashmir is the source of our poverty. No politician in Pakistan can hope to get away with such statements (made in May 25, 2009 show of 'Bolta Pakistan').

You know that a politician is doing something right, when he/she can use their stature to make what would otherwise be an unpopular statement, and turn it into a convincing argument.

Pappu can't dance

Source of story on Pappu being banned (Dailytimes)

Lahore's UC government and the Auqaf department have done what was perhaps expected from them after pressure by the local residents of Shah Jamal. Hazrat Shah Jamal's shrine, a popular hang-out for local yuppies as well as foreign tourists had also become synonomous for being a site where drugs were readily available. Pappu Saeen comes out and plays his dhol every Thursday night for the audience while of the attendees have gone on their highs in anticipation of the religious dances and music. Pappu and his men play the dhol well into the night while everyone else dances.

Whatsmore, on a certain Thrusday of the month, there are horse carriage races - the horses being fed heavy doses of 'hashish' to permanently dull their senses so that the animals can run to their hearts content without stopping. I nearly got run over in my car by two carriages as they were coming out of the Shah Jamal area and onto the Canal Road. These horses do not stop no matter what.

To ban the excessive drug use, Pappu Saeen has now been prevented from performing at the shrine. This is probably not going to 'solve' anything. People will get stoned. The foreigners, yuppies and the majority locals of the city who honor Hazrat Shah Jamal will just as easily get stoned from substances found and sold elsewhere. In fact, one can anticipate Pappu banning getting stoned inside the premises. However, you'd see a long line of men and women get high in a line outside the gates. What will the residents do then?

It is better for the government and local authorities to regulate the use of drugs as banning them has clearly not worked. And Pappu should be allowed to dance.

Focusing on the disease

The attacks on Taliban ideology are all legitimate, but the emotional anger should really be directed toward the current structures of power and the lack dispensation of public goods across the strata of Pakistan society. 

I find it of little value to comment on the brutalities of the Taliban.  Commenting against them is saying the obvious.  

But commenting on their brutality is not going to change the real reasons for why these barbarians have found space in the geo-political sphere of Pakistan.  Beyond the murderous intentions of the militants, what is really confounding is how they managed to secure so much for themselves. 

The gravity of the institutional failure of the state should be realized.  By merely directing criticism against a bunch of lunatics clouds the real failure which is due to a lack of vision and a passive acceptance of a highly skewed economic structure.  There is little discussion on forcing a uniform education system.  Or ensuring that the powerful do not get away from committing crime.  The actual implementation of alternatives that meaningfully convince citizens that the system will be reformed is lacking. 

The parliament's silence is stunning.  The Supreme Court has made some moves to curb the decadence of the judiciary and it is a commendable move.  It is move with substance.  Ensuring a separation of powers and avoiding conflict of interests is a small step forward.  But it is the legislative and the executive that must show mettle.  Reforms in education and governance are the basis for staving off militants and criminals from taking roots against the state structure. 

Until such vision and determination is shown, it is difficult to see how the threats can be eroded.  And rather pointless trying to beat the 'symptoms' whereas the disease is running rampant.