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Friday, September 26, 2008

Zia Mohyuddin's Faiz missing

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Caption: The missing CD

I checked half a dozen shops including all the ones in Fortress, Wapda Town and Johar Town but had no luck in finding Zia Moheyuddin's recitation of Faiz's poetry. The CD's were available, but once you ask the shopkeepers to test play them, it ends up being someone else's recitation. All SHAHZAD Audio stores had this problem. Since some of these folks haven't heard of Faiz's poetry, to them Zia Moheyuddin is probably reciting Faiz in that exquisite style of his.

The futile search taught me an important lesson: Even pirates can fuck up.

However, I found a poor audio quality CD from one of the stores in Liberty. Will have to make do with this and extract the small rendition of a poem for the current documentary am working on.

Tuesday, September 23, 2008

Monday, September 22, 2008

Hailstorm Hits Lahore

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A vicious hailstorm hit Lahore with hail the size of golf balls raining down across the plains of the Punjab. The rice paddies are likely to suffer from this onslaught. The rice crop was already estimated to witness a large loss due to India's storing of the Chenab water at the Baglihar dam.

The hailstorm though bringing in pleasant weather, doesn't bring any good tidings and only adds to the economic problems of the country.

Turkey: The model for Pakistan

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It is no secret that the Turkish people have an enormous reverence for Mahomed Ali Jinnah or Cinnah as written in Turkish, honoring him with Cinnah Avenue, a major artery in Ankara. It should not be surprising as both Jinnah and the founder of modern-day Turkey, Ataturk, were modernist Muslims educated and tailored in the western traditions. Both dedicated their lives to uplift the economic and political cause of their people. The similarities between the two men also include both being members of minority communities within the religion of Islam. Jinnah was an Ismaili-Shia, a community following Imam Agha Khan while Ataturk, born in Salonika, was a Muslim of Albanian-Macedonian parents. Their roots outside of mainstream Islam were significant in determining their modernist, secular ideology which was accutely aware of the 'tyranny of the majority' and desiring of equal rights for those whom demographics did not favor.

But more than this, it was the economic degradation of their communities that encouraged them to lead their people.

In pre-1947 India, the Muslim population was primarily illiterate with little or no significant role in commerce, which was almost exclusively owned by a non-Muslim majority. Jinnah however, was part of the coastal Ismaili Muslim community which unlike most Muslims, was more interested in enterprise and bourgeoise professions and thus could grasp the need to set up a state - be it within the Indian union or without - whereby the members of his Muslim community could have opportunities allowing them to gain a stake and representation in the economic system.

In similar respects, the Young Turk movement, of which Ataturk was a member, also aimed to establish a state where the Muslims held economic power. Due to the abhorent decadence of the Khilafat-e-Usmania, the Muslim community had become the equivalent of 'white trash' of the Khilafat while the minority communities like the Armenians and Greeks prospered as they opted to adopt western legal codes. The biographies of Ataturk and the early 20th century indicate how the non-Muslim Ottoman neighborhoods were well lit with paved roads and had the best schools and hospitals. It was Ataturk's desire to see the majority Muslim community achieve the same modern life style denied to them - a denial he and many of the Young Turk movement linked to the Khilafat's archaic legal codes and traditions.

Unfortunately, while Turkey has stuck to the ideals of Ataturk, Pakistan has quickly forgotten Jinnah's almost single-handed struggle to build a prosperous nation. While the Islamic-bent AKP party of Turkey today ferociously supports Turkey's union with the European Union as part of Ataturk's modernist legacy, Pakistan is fraught with internecine civil war, religious bigotry, a self-destructive obesession against India, and whose Army is now wrecking havoc against its own people in the FATA region, for a war fought on someone else's behalf. Whereas Turkey has always stood up for its national interests and been the only country to militarily attack Europe since WW II (through a military assault it forcefully occupied 40% of Cyprus in the 1970's) and refused $25 billion in aid from the United States to assist in the war against Iraq, Pakistan has capitulated in a dramatically tragic manner to the whims of foreign powers.

While Jinnah and Ataturk had many similarities and would not mind enjoying a glass of Turkish wine if they met, there is a massive gulf between the leadership of Pakistan and Turkey today. What can Pakistan learn from the successful model adopted by Turkey? What does modern day Turkey have to teach us?

Prime Minister Erdogan's AKP party started its journey assisting the poor members of the urban Turkish landscape. One of the projects was to offer bread at break-even cost to the poor who were severely effected by hyper inflation. The scheme became so successful, that private bakeries went out of business. More importantly it catapulted the AKP party (then known as Welfare Party) into the mainstream of Turkish politics.

In a similar attempt, Chairman Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf is also attempting to find resonance amongst the urban poor of Pakistan who are the suffering from exorbitant food inflation. Thus the Sasta Tanduur project has been set up in much the same fashion as the Turkish party's. However, the Sasta Tanduur project goes a step further by offering subsidized roti which results in each tanduur incurring a daily loss. This loss is expected to be fulfilled by the appeal for donations voiced by Chairman Khan.

Aside from aggressively reaching out to those bruised by faulty economic policies, the other major example to learn from the Turkish Republic is to stand up to foreign powers. Completely redefining the war we are currently fighting is critical as persisting with policies in which our military is massacring our own people will lead us down the path of self-destruction.

Finally and most importantly, the fact that Turkey has pursued a pro-development economic policy beneficially tied to the West without forfeiting its sovereignty is worth emulating. Today, Turkish consumer electronics firms rank among the top three in terms of sales in many of the household product lines.

Standing up for the poor and against foreign powers are the hallmarks of good leadership which Chairman Khan has shown and which our nation needs to adopt. While we cannot be a replica copy of the Turkish Republic, the fundamentals of standing up to western powers and focusing on the have-nots of our society deserve to be copied so that one day, Pakistan too will mirror the glorious image of its founder, Mahomed Ali Jinnah.

Published for www.insaf.pk

Saturday, September 20, 2008

Ramzan kay side-effects

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It is quite possibly the most unproductive month of the year. This repute is so well established, even foreigners who are looking to invest in the country cross this month off their calendar knowing nothing is going to get done.

While purists will insist the purpose of Ramzan has already been defeated by the unanimous alteration in behavior, it nevertheless is celebrated – with the accompanying advertisements, promotions, and songs – with some degree of fervor mostly propped up I should add by marketing companies looking to fully use the event for profit maximization. The reality is that more and more people no longer see the need to observe this pillar of the Islamic faith.

Last night during iftari, a table discussion took place where it was asked if there was a reason to mandate Ramzan. Putting aside the 1400 years of reasons revealing the importance of fasting, one person suggested that allocating the month to fast was a response seeking to adjust for the annual scarcity faced by the desert outposts like Mecca and Medina. Although it was point out that the early Muslims depended on the lunar and not solar calendar as they were not an agrarian culture like that of Mespotamia, Indus or Nile, and so didn’t follow the crop harvesting schedule, it was suggested that the inconsistent camel caravans transporting food and trade patterns may have affected the Arabs to make this move. Another person asked if the pre-Islamic Arabs also fasted. As many of the traditions of the pre-Islamic Arabia were adopted/accepted by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) under the declaration that they were actually Abrahamic traditions, mandatory fasting could also fit into this schema.

While there is probably some economic rationale to mandating a month to fast and decrease food input (almost all actions have an economic rationale), what is clear today is that this month doesn’t really fulfill any economic reasoning. Excuses like how the body lowers its cholesterol, fat and improves health are apologetics offered. The very fact that economic productivity declines to zilch is an indictment of what this month has been rendered as.

While a large majority remains committed to celebrating this month, those who seek productive behavior are quietly ignoring it. Eventually I see some form of relaxation occurring from the edicts of future ulema-e-Islam on how to ensure people obey the fast without going completely hungry for 12 hours a day.

When behavior disturbs economic activity, there is always a measured reaction that occurs in society to bring it in line with economic rationale. It is unlikely that a people will become more ‘spiritual’ and observe the month like it was supposed to have been observed and work with the same vigor they do the rest of the year. What is likely are people ignoring the fast due to the inconvenience it posts or the ulema-e-Islam stepping and providing avenues of leniency and additions to what is permissible while one is fasting so that people’s bodies can at least get some work done.

Friday, September 19, 2008

UPS units do roaring business

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Ulterior Power Supply units have become a household feature over the past few months due to frequent power outages. The basic unit will power a few light bulbs and a few fans when WAPDA supply is cut. The UPS recharges when there is power coming from the 'main' (supply).

While the UPS are a perfectly natural reaction to the power shortage, the behavior reflects a degree of predictability in Pakistanis. The disconnect between themselves and their government becomes apparent. For a variety of reasons the people have little faith in government and expect very little from. There is no consideration given to the fact that the people have always been paying an ever increasing amount of what they earn to the government through a plethora of taxes and therefore should expect at least the basic provisions. The unwillingness to hold the government responsible while continuing to pay up has made us a rather compliant lot. Pakistanis prefer to make quick fixes rather than trying to spend energy on altering the fundamentals of the nation.

The innocent looking UPS is a reflection of a quick fix. It eases life for those who can afford it. WAPDA can be damned. KESC can be damned. When it comes to reforming national institutions, we are helpless, hopeless and humbled. If the ever dependable market economy provides an easy way out, we'll take it.

Expect to spend a minimum of 30,000 rupees for one unit which includes the UPS and two Exide batteries. Also expect to pay up for 'service' charges as there is a regular requirement for adjusting the unit - which is a minimum of 500 rupees per month. In case of a battery malfunction, a likely possibility, a new one could cost as high as a whopping 5,500 - it used be almost half that only a year a go.

Thursday, September 18, 2008

Faiz Ahmed Faiz

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Trips down memory lane…was recently asked, ‘What made you interested in Faiz?’ a question that can easily be answered by replying with the renowned ghazals one has heard, or the ‘hum daikhain gay’ chant of Iqbal Bano members of all sections of society happily claim to uphold. Lots of usual reasons. Though I’m gradually losing confidence in my mental archives, I did manage to trace two possible starting points for the love affair of Faiz’s poems.

Did one instance occur before the second? Or was it the other way round? Whatever the case, the thing that I can be reasonably sure of is that it doesn’t matter. The fact is I was 14 years old, in love with Christina, had just given Junoon’s Album1 one final chance and didn’t know what to take to class as part of the ‘bring something about your country’ assignment.

In Junoon Volume 1, the song ‘jeeain’ begins with a poem by Faiz…a memorable set of lines, but one which weren’t entirely understood until many months later when I’d read the complete poem. However, it was the other poem which marked a turning point.

I normally didn’t ask dad questions related to studies. I always ended up further confused. But this was a last minute thing and I needed help. So I asked him as he was rushing out for his field work in Wad Madani (we were in Sudan). He quickly took out the first book that came off the shelf which happened to be Faiz’s ‘nuskhaha-e-vafa’ and chose the first poem that came up – it was called ‘Kuttay’ (Dogs) and without considering my obvious displeasure at the selected title went on to explain in detail the underlying theme.

The seeds were laid then and I admit that though not know that well, it is among the best poems of Faiz I’ve read. And for all intents and purposes is responsible for the ideological shift I’d taken, on who I’d select as my heroes and who I would not.

Yeh galiyoun kay avara baykaar kuttay,
Keh bakhsha gaya jin ko zoaq-e-gadai,
Zamanay kee phatkaar sarmaya un ka,
Jehaan-bhar ke dhatkaar un kee kamaii…

[These filthy wandering street dogs,
Who have been blessed with unending poverty,
Life’s aimlessness is their only investment,
The world’s merciless kicks are their only earning…

And after describing the unenviable, poverty-stricken masses who have seemingly no hope, Faiz ends the poem with the imploring lines…

Koi un ko ehsaas-e-zillat dikhladay
Koi un kee soee hui dum hiladay…

[If only they realized the extent of their humiliation,
If only they could be awoken from their slumber…]

Wednesday, September 17, 2008

Mullen comes to mull

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Kiyani and Mullen have met today in Islamabad apparently to discuss why Pakistan won't let the US forces to intrude into the territories of Pakistan.

Shouldn't need an explanation but perhaps the United States is worried over the sudden burst of valor shown by the Pakistanis. For almost 7 years the Pakistanis bent over backwards for the war on terror and now a it seems a breaking point has been witnessed by the nation. The war on terror has gone terribly wrong and the USA has utterly failed to achieve anything in Afghanistan. It's convenient to slander what was a classic banana republic but now with a democratic dispensation, that may not be so easy.

It's best if all parties realize that they should cooperate rather than pursue failed policies over and over again. Hopefully the meeting will conclude with the conviction to eliminate terrorists and help Pakistan rebuild the fabrics of its torn western regions.

Destructive role of the Pakistan Army

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Ayesha Siddiqa's book Military Inc. has given us a good foundation to understand the roles of the Pakistan Army which are well beyond the realm of their professional duties.

Although at times the book seems to be gasping for statistics, this attempt by Ms. Siddiqa nevertheless helps us understand the comprehensive infiltration of the Army and consequent destruction of Pakistani institutions. From housing schemes, construction firms, fertilizer plants and banks, the tentacles of the Milbus is well spread out.

It also reveals other misconceptions - i.e. that it's a Punjabi Army. Although there is truth to this, further inspection reveals that only 3 of the 34 districts of Punjab find representation.
In page 59, her research sheds light on the composition of the Army. It turns out 75% of the Pakistan Army is from three districts in Northern Punjab - presumably Rawalpindi, Attock and Chakwal. Another 20% of the Army recruits hail from 4-5 districts in the NWFP, leaving the rest of the 125 districts of the country with a 5% representation.

With such damning statistics already raising question marks on the ability of the Army to satisfy the heterogenous mix of the country, the intrusion into the markets and economic structures of Pakistan reflect extremely negatively on this institution. The fact that it has taken over through the barrel of the gun and maintains one pointed at the democratic leaders even today, gives the Armed Forces a menacing image. It makes sense then to see the same threatening posture used to make the politicians bow down, also be used to squeeze benefits from the state's financial institutions and fund what often are loss making enterprises benefitting an elite group of officers and their immediate beneficiaries.

Why the Chief Justice can't be restored

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This article by Kamran Shafi provokes questions and offers suggestions as to why a sitting government cannot allow the Chief Justice of Pakistan to continue his constitutional term as the supreme court CJ. Perhaps he shook too many pillars of power too quickly. While he performed heroics unseen before in living memory, perhaps he did not have the tact that, say Justice Marshall, had when he was successfully securing the right of judicial review from the executive and legislature.




Most Blameless of them all
By Kamran Shafi

What in the world did My Lord Iftikhar Chaudhry do to deserve any of this? How does he, of all people, deserve to be disgraced in the manner that every Tom, Dick and Harry in the old dispensation, and every Tom, Dick and Harry in the present one, disgraced/are disgracing him? Or tried/are trying to?

If I have my facts right, CJ Chaudhry was a hardworking, diligent judge who did a lot of good for the litigants in the Supreme Court, and by example in the other high courts of Pakistan during the time he was CJ of this luckless country.

If I recall, there were something like 33,000 cases pending before the Supreme Court at the time that he became chief justice on June 30, 2000, and despite the fact that almost 30,000 fresh cases were brought before the court during his tenure, the Supreme Court roster stood at 11,000 by the time that he was illegally and unconstitutionally thrown out of office by the Chief of Army Staff.Add to all of the above cases at least 7,000 to do with human rights which were brought before the human rights cell set up by himself and you get a fair idea of how hard he worked and what a good job he did for the very vast majority of Pakistanis.

Indeed, the yeoman service he did for human rights and which finally cooked his goose as far as our American buddies are concerned is when he demanded to know the whereabouts of some of the disappeared whose families had come before him as petitioners. And wonder of wonders found some of them languishing in Pakistan Army quarter guards (shame on you, gentlemen) on cooked-up charges — one of which, if I remember correctly, was an affair-of-the-heart-with-a-senior-army-officer’s-niece-gone-wrong. And other such. In none of which cases did the CJ order any release, or pre-judge: all he did was order that the accused would henceforth be kept in a proper, recognised jail and that one of his court’s officials would be the guardian of the prisoner.

If I have my facts right, this is the man who did much good in the eyes of most Pakistanis, including issuing orders to halt the despoliation of forests to make a new hill station near the already overbuilt Murree which was meant to reap huge monetary benefits for the then sitting government of Punjab and its cronies; the stopping of the mini-golf and junk-food money-spinner in the F-7 Markaz which would have precluded the poor using the park; the banning of the use of the Doongi Ground in Lahore for the self-serving (and idiotic) purpose of setting up an IMAX cinema (I ask you); and last but not least questioning the sale of the Steel Mills at a throwaway price.

This is the man who was summoned by Gen Pervez Musharraf, the then Chief of Army Staff and ‘President’ of Pakistan to Army House one spring day, March 9, 2007 to be precise, and in the presence of the Corps Commander 10 Corps, DG ISI, DG MI, DG IB and sundry other military officers told to resign. This is the man who sat, hands folded, in front of the great and mighty general — we saw it all on live television, did we not, only the script went horribly wrong when he said, quietly, “I will not resign”.

As an aside, one hears that all hell broke loose then, with Gen Musharraf losing his cool (to say the least) and storming out of the room hurling invectives at the chief justice, at which time the others in the room, with the sole exception of Ashfaq Kayani the then DG ISI, also getting into the act and warning the CJ of dire consequences if he refused to go quietly.

If memory serves, thousands of lawyers and members of civil society, even respectable old men, and women, came out on to the streets in support of the CJ. Hundreds of them, mainly lawyers, yes even old men and women, were beaten black and blue and bloody and dragged to police trucks and vans and hauled off to jails for months on end. If one recalls, with great anger I might add, even while being dragged or half-carried to the trucks three and four and five louts in civvies thrashed the arrested on and about the face and head quite mercilessly.

As another aside, it came back to me at the time that we really had not evolved into full human beings as yet; that we were still on a lower rung on the evolutionary ladder; that there was a long way to go until we got to human status. Juxtaposition was there: in those days — just after the March 9 stupidity. There was some trouble in Russia and one of the former Soviet republics. People were being arrested there too: one policeman on either side of the arrestee marching him/her off to a police truck or bus. Not one policeman lifted a hand against any of the protesters, let alone thrashed them.

But back to My Lord Iftikhar Chaudhry. Is the man who stood up and said no to a military dictator to be treated this way? Is the man whose defiance of an army dictator led to an uprising by two important sections of society — lawyers and civil society — and which hastened the demise of the dictatorship, to be treated this way? By lies and deceit and trickery and duplicity?
Does Attorney General Khosa, who is fast proving himself to be more than a fitting replacement for the unlamented Malik Qayyum, really think he can get away by saying that Mr Dogar is a “constitutional” CJ and therefore My Lord Iftikhar Chaudhry cannot become chief justice?
Was CJ Chaudhry removed constitutionally?

More than anything else, the People’s Party has always stood for constitutionality and democracy that comes when you follow the constitution. How in the world can it justify what its Toms, Dicks and Harrys are saying today? Does Asif Zardari really think he can live this down?
In the end, I am told the Foreign Office advised Asif Zardari that putting off the China visit for a ‘private’ visit to London first wouldn’t be a problem. Who are the core-professionals trying to fool? The ancient and cultured Chinese, where loss of face is a slight, worse than any other? Yousuf Raza Gilani started it all by going to the US first (and not to China at all — the Olympics junket in which Pakistan did disgracefully does not qualify as a state visit), and now Zardari does it by going to the UK — and thence to the US(?) before visiting our great friend AND great neighbour.

The portents are bad already.
kshafi1@yahoo.co.uk

Praising Robbers

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Hai ahl-e-dil kay liyay ab yeh nazm-e-bast-o-kushaad,
Keh sang-o-khist muqayyad hain aur sag azaad.

-Faiz

Traveling through the lanes of time, we are offered many signs and pointers. Because we all have our own unique comprehension patterns, how we each understand these signs and pointers is what makes each of us an individual.

In Hazrat Sheikh Saadi's (RA) story, a poet tries to impress the chief of the robbers by writing a eulogy in the hope of receiving a reward. Upon hearing the poet's lyrics, the chief orders his men to strip the poet of his clothes and kick him out of the cave. The bewildered poet asks the reason for this unexpected reaction.

"This will teach you not to praise a robber!", responds the Chief.

The naked poet is kicked out of the cave into the cold snowy terrain and quickly finds himself being chased by dogs. In desperation he tries to pick up stones to ward off the canines but the stones are frozen in the ground, leaving him to ponder the circumstances of a land where dogs roam free and he is defenseless.

The lines by Faiz mentioned above were inspired by this tale and aptly capture the confounded state of existence of the people of Pakistan today.

The school book tale's relevance is difficult to ignore today. How often we set aside our standards of right and wrong not because we are convinced by a change in their contextual relativity but because we are unwilling to struggle otherwise, unwilling to upset the semblance of order we've established in our own desperate lives.

In October 1999, when a new chapter was opened in the tragic epic of Pakistan, there was hardly a voice criticizing the coup of the dictator. Instead, the act of treason was showered with praise and many an analyst, including myself and our party's leadership, predicted of good days to come. We all wholeheartedly said good riddance to the elected parliament and reared hopes whilst in the lap of a usurper.

In only a matter of months, a vast number of those celebrating the coup found themselves not only vulnerable to attack, but unable to defend themselves or be heard. The robbery of the nation of the past nine years was unprecedented, much of it excused once the lines between speculative profiteering and crime became conveniently blurred. In the absence of an independent judiciary, there was no one and no reason for distinguishing between the two.

Yet even during this period, there was a choir of many an intelligent economist and analyst who could not reject the conjured figures and preferred to proclaim that the economic managers of the dictator were worthy of respect and the fort of the nation was strong, a lack of vision, respect for law or institutional absence notwithstanding. Nor were they moved when thousands of workers of political parties including Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf were chased around and thrown in jail if caught for no reason other than their desire for an independent judiciary and justice.

Today, as hunger chases people through the unlit alleys of cities and villages, the grandiloquent speeches declaring the nation being on the verge of an economic miracle ring horrifyingly hollow. The praise of robbers comes to haunt us.

Then we witnessed yet another miracle of an election held under the same dictator in which familiar faces of yesteryears appeared in gowns of saviors and promises of a better tomorrow. We wasted no time in singing praises for them and the revolutionary deeds they would surely engage in to honor the confidence of the people who put them there.

Unfortunately the dawn of a new day has quickly turned dark. Once again we find ourselves left betrayed and defenseless with little recourse for justice. Robbers old and new continue to lay claim to the thrones of power. Sycophants new and old emerge bombarding them with praise. The few fabrics of Pakistani society have been torn apart and half the country has been turned into a no-go area as spirited movements of resistance fortify, some deriving inspiration from injustice dealt to them, and an array of opportunists such as the Taliban terrorists promising swift archaic laws that bury any move toward institution-building that caught fervor on March 9, 2007. In this bewildering state of defenselessness with everyone screaming to be heard, international super powers naturally smell blood and willingly seek to pull and tug to ensure their voice is heard the loudest.

Perhaps we had ignored the lessons Saadi elaborated upon centuries before. Or perhaps the frailty of the human mind in the face of existence nurtures hope in even those who un-repentantly offer more without having delivered anything before.

To be fair, many have learned their lesson. Chief Justice's rejection of Musharaf's dictation being the first example. The collective disgust of the nation on how those sitting in the parliament are handling the judicial issue being another. But will these actions and reactions be sufficient to avoid our praise of future robbers that find their way into the corridors of power? Will these lessons prove to be sufficient when political re-alignment demands the embrace of criminals and crooks?

I don't know if Hazrat Sheikh Saadi (RA) was a fortune teller. Perhaps he had seen in his time, the display of men praising their leaders who in return treated their subjects with scorn and contempt. Whatever the basis of this tale, it gives us plenty to reflect upon and maybe ponder before we engage in the next charade of hope and despair.

Our actions of the past have scorched our land rendering it far away from the gulistan dreamed by our founder. Hazrat Sheikh Saadi’s (RA) stories may not offer a project plan for fixing the broken dreams, but they do reveal some pointers. They are not a revelation. Maybe not even something of an inspiration. They are just some signs there for us to interpret and hopefully not ignore this time.

- Fraz Shafique