Unions at PIA

The token machine was broken so stubs of paper with printed numbers were placed on an inconspicuous counter. I went to purchase an international ticket and wanted to be sure I was following the correct process. Unfortunately as I could not locate the representative of the international ticketing, I made the mistake of inquiring the lady at the national ticketing counter who was unoccupied at that moment.

"I need to purchase an international ticket. Are these the relevant tokens?" I asked.

In a voice clearly upset and an expression indicating extreme burden she stated:

"You want an international ticket? Go to the international desk! Why are you asking me?"

The main PIA office is littered with posters of PPP and Benazir. With the reemergence of union power, the workers of PIA may be feeling very excited at the prospect that their job security will remain insured despite the massive losses being faced by the national carrier - an institution like most all the rest of the companies owned by the government marred by inefficiencies, over staffing and thriving incompetence. But the PIA workers are bound to be excited. Not about working harder or with efficiency, but with the knowledge that they need to owe nothing, not even a smile to their customers. The unions have the backing of the government and in an era when privatization is an option - though not always successful as in the case of KESC - to root out inefficiencies, this government has gone to sufficient lengths to appease. An inspiring example was the re-hiring of the thousands of discharged staff in the mid 1990's who are back with the entire back pay and retain their lucrative posts.



The intensity of the union activity can be seen at the Allama Iqbal International Airport as well with the floods of banners by the PPP and an attempt by the PML-N to make some headway into this vote-bank.

The mindset of Hags

- Zaid Hamid - An exemplary hag

Jindoun Punjabi mai day banday nain duujee beevee lay aandee, tay mai tapee hoee kehndee ay: "Zaroor oas dain nain koi jaadoo toanaa keeta hoiga!"

When a Punjabi hag's husband brought home a second wife, instead of trying to find fault with herself or seeing her husband as the wrong-doer, she immediately began to curse the new wife:

"That witch must have cast a black spell on my husband," she reasoned.


These few words highlight the mindset of many Pakistanis. One cannot even argue that it is the uneducated who revel in conspiracy theories. Browse through any forum on any site related to politics and social issues and these "hags" have seizures against the West, Zionists, and even Nestle. Ironically, most of these "hags" are based in the West and intentionally thriving off the very conditions they vehemently criticize.

Blaming the West for our problems has become a past time.

Knowledge about the intricacies of conspiracies has never really helped anyone other than massage the ego. If anything, delving in such tabloid nonsense can prevent people from spending the efforts in finding solutions to their own problems - problems that have no link nor are a result of the policies of the West.

For example, if we focus on Pakistan, what is preventing the country from achieving 100% literacy? Why has health care not been a priority? Why is most of the population still denied a clean glass of water? Why are cases of polio on the increase in Pakistan? Why does the Army absorb the largest chunk of the budget? What is preventing Pakistan from becoming an integrated nation-state even after 60 years of tumultuous existence? Why is it that throughout these 60 years, components of the states want to break away?

Even a cursory analysis will reveal that the rot has everything to do with Pakistanis themselves rather than anyone else.

For example, Baluchistan faces massive injustice from the Pakistani rulers. Chairman Khan has continuously highlighted the numbers of 300 billion rupees of gas being extracted from Baluchistan while the province's budget is only 18 billion. By some figures 15% of the federal taxes are raised from Baluchistan's resources. This approximately 15% (some figures state 17%) contribution by Baluchistan is not in dispute like the figures of Sindh's contribution by virtue of Karachi being the port of entry. Yet, despite these contributions, Baluchistan gets less than a third back from the federal pool! Whatsmore, before the money is redistributed to the provinces, around 50% of the federal money is used to pay interest, build up the Army and pay salaries. Why should the Baluch not question how the federal budget is being used for the military? What is the utility of spending so much money on the army for the Baluch? What has the Army given the Baluch? If 75% of all armed force recruits come from Punjab, it doesn't take a rocket scientist to realize that such figures will harden the perceptions of injustice in the smaller provinces.

Natural gas from Sui, Baluchistan was discovered in the early 1960's. Rawalpindi was connected to this resource in the same decade. Quetta first began to benefit from Sui natural gas in 1995. Similarly, while the gas in Sui began to be extracted much earlier, is there any rationale to giving Baluchistan the old rate of 22 rupees per KG of gas whereas Punjab's natural gas earns it 110 rupees and Sindh 185? Point is, with such drastic numbers before us, is it any wonder why the Baluchis should seek out right independence?

And in relation to this article, do foreign powers accused of having an 'evil eye' even need to do anything more to convince the Baluch they are better off independent? Yet, unfortunately many are more concerned to project and portray foreign intervention as the cause for secessionist movements and all other major ills the nation faces. These 'conspiracy theorists' hurt Pakistan by taking away our focus from the real problems which in turn cripples the vision to find solutions.

In short: when we no longer wish to be held accountable, why expect the politicians to be held accountable? We are an educated lot and should be cognizant of distraction tactics by those who insist that the real cause of Pakistan's mess lie outside its borders.

It is fine to seek possibilities of who else is making use of the problem - but the source and the solution to the problem lies only in us. The futile obsession with conspiracies supposedly emanating from the West is detrimental to the health of society. For every one such external conspiracy, there are 100 real internal causes of instability. Time would be better spent trying to fix the myriad of internal causes rather than entering analysis-paralysis by illusions of problematic external stimuli.

A haggin' hag never helped anyone's cause. Pakistan has been kind to hags giving them ample air time and turning them into celebrities. Dr. Shahid Masood took off with his program 'End of Times' and currently TV1 is entertaining Zaid Hamid as the supremo hag whose diatribe offers no solution and no return. While television is a business and there is nothing wrong with enjoying the tantrums of these Jerry Springers/Pat Robertsons/Rush Limbaughs of Pakistan, as politically aware individuals of a country that has self-destructed, we should be seeking solutions rather than myopic explanations of these depressed individuals.

Riding with the leaders of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf

By Fraz Shafique [Courtesy Insaf Action Committee (IAC)]

www.insaf.pk

November 21, 2008

We arrived at the Lahore Airport with Punjab President Ahsan Rashid and former ISF Lahore convener Mohammad Madni. Madni had his task cut out for him as he was receiving non-stop calls on his two mobile sets from Lahoris wanting to join the party during the membership campaign.

"It takes me around 5 minutes to finish one call and by then there are a dozen missed calls in my phone log," stated the firebrand activist.

As we approached the arrival section a dozen ritalin-alert military men, with raised rifles ready to pull the trigger at the hint of danger, emerged surrounding a short man dressed in a suit and wearing sunglasses. My first thought was why a seeming bureaucrat deserved such a heavy security dedication.

"Who would waste time trying to do anything to him?" inquired Ahsan Rashid.

Turns out, the VVVIP was the defense minister of the country. While the PTI Punjab President had a point, the minister had built a resume of consistent gaffes that at the very least warranted a slap or two from the general populace. While we were still weighing the basis for the unbelievable security provided to the defense minister, Chairman Imran Khan walked out by himself, without any fanfare - other than the excited porters who ran toward him for a hand shake. Chairman Khan would be shaking a lot of hands today.

We got into Ahsan Rashid's car with Information Secretary Omar Sarfraz Cheema taking the driver's seat. Lahore President Mian Mehmood ur Rashid and Political Secretary Saifullah Niazi completed the passenger list. Mehmood ur Rashid briefed the Chairman on the incredible success of the Lahore membership drive as we headed toward our first of six camp stops across the metropolis of Lahore opposite the General Hospital on Ferozepur Road.

"Allah has really helped us with this drive," humbly stated Mehmood ur Rashid.

"But Zardari has also been a big help," observed Chairman Khan in a tone not so much thankful as helpless.

"People are so fed up of his government and that factor is also reflected in the big numbers we're seeing join PTI!"

We arrived at our first camp and were quickly surrounded by Chairman Khan's admirers. One of the massive floats began blaring patriotic songs while PTI flags proudly rose into the air.

Throughout the journey, the phones of the PTI leaders kept ringing.
"Khan sahib, you must have dinner with us!" declared Mehmood ur Rashid.

"Yes! Sooner the better - I am famished!"

Mehmood ur Rashid called up the owner of Butt Sweets family restaurant at Laxmi Chowk and ordered chicken karrahi to be prepared for the team.

"Make sure the chicken you slaughter is no more than 1.5 years old!" thundered Mehmood ur Rashid for the xth time to the owner of Butt Sweets. Chairman Khan laughed and readily agreed with the Lahore President's taste.

In spotless Punjabi, the Chairman heartily declared: "Sanu buddha kukarr naeen langda!"

Our next stop was Chuhngi Amar Sadhu further along on Ferozpur Road. This was one of the camps that wasn't planned but due to the euphoria, residents emerged and insisted they too wanted to take part in the growth of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf in Lahore. This is an area of the city seldom frequented by the media but bustled with the general laborers and transporters. The camp was also the most organized in terms of crowd management and the scenes of supporters seeking to have their membership cards signed by Chairman Khan were less chaotic.

After an appraisal of the camp and congratulating those who had taken the initiative to launch it, we left for the stop off College Road. Located in Township, it was in the middle of an extremely congested market. The location also offered the most rewards in terms of memberships obtained. It was manned and run by Dr. Shahid Siddiqui who has been active in assisting with welfare activities in the city. As we left the bustling localities leaving behind the loud sloganeering in favor of the PTI leader, Mehmood ur Rashid wiped his forehead and revealed an interesting tidbit political adversaries were spreading, perhaps indicating a sense of panic in their ranks.

"The latest word on the street is that the Jewish lobby and ISI are supporting Tehreek-e-Insaf," informed Mehmood ur Rashid.

"That's certainly news. Why would ISI want to support us if this government is proving to be more than sufficient?" responded the Chairman.

Mehmood ur Rashid had ensured that PTI membership drive came in with a bang and while it continues, there is bound to be a reassessment of the party by the opposing forces. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf was a tide that could only rise. How does an opposing party deal with an entity that can go nowhere but up? To repeat a phrase voiced during the Presidential election in the United States, "How does one fight a movement?"

"I have ordered another 40,000 membership forms," said Saifullah Niazi after stating that the initial ones had run out in under one week.

The issue of resources cropped up - it was bound to. Although well managed and within the limits specified by PTI Lahore, the amounts add up once the rest of Pakistan is brought into the picture.

"If we had the resources the other parties have, we could have done so much more," stated Ahsan Rashid. However, he highlighted that for each member PTI takes in, it will translate into on average four additional household votes. Therefore, if PTI Lahore manages to secure 150,000 members during the two week drive, it will mean a whooping 700,000+ votes securely placing PTI in position to win the most seats from Lahore in the next elections.

"Furthermore, since we're seeing that 80% of the members are from among the youth, we have secured a solid vote bank that is most aggressive about seeking change as their future directly depends on it."

We arrived at the Icchra camp to loud cheers and supporters sprinkling flowers at the Chairman and his accompanying leaders. At this camp Irfan Hasan, another young firebrand member delivered his speech imploring members of society to join PTI. PTI Vice President Ejaz Chaudhary was also persent to prop up the workers of the party.

Often times during the trip Ahsan Rashid seemed preoccupied with the future strategies for the party - financial and logistical - as the Lahore membership campaign had proven to being exceptionally well executed and was delivering results in the main Punjabi city.

"Go for Rawalpindi next. We've got some good workers there like Sadaqat Ali Abbasi and the Islamabad team can assist as well," was the suggestion of the Chairman. "Faisalabad needs a proper ground force first."

For Ahsan Rashid, the cities to target in Punjab were many. Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Sialkot, Gujranwala and Multan to name a few. While the PTI leaders were confident of sweeping NWFP, Punjab's status had been unclear until this membership campaign perhaps due to the role of the largest party in the province.

As we disembarked from the Allama Iqbal bridge we entered the heavily populated outliers of Old City Lahore. This was a hardcore constituency of the provincial government. It was at least. Billboards, flags and posters were plastered in the area with pictures of the Chief Minister and his son who had gotten elected unopposed. The Lahore city's apparatus was unhappy seeing PTI launch this campaign but Ahsan Rashid had gotten the permission from the CM, who perhaps did not realize the PTI campaign would be so successful and launched with such methodical execution. The success of the campaign in the heart of the political capital can set the example and pave the way for the other cities of the nation to replicate.

Unfortunately, and it was bound to happen, the PTI leaders were stuck in a horrendous traffic jam. Chairman Khan informed us that he had not had lunch and was extremely hungry now. Tempers also flared up with at the visibly poor behavior of the traffic which had turned a small road that could barely handle two lanes, into one with five lanes.

"Why don't the traffic police go down the line and fine anyone who breaks the rules. That way there won't be any of these jams!" sensibly reasoned the occupants of the car. Mehmood ur Rashid looked vexed that so much time was being wasted. His mobile phone battery ran out while he was trying to ask someone at the destination camps for an alternate route.

In the meantime, different topics were discussed such as making PTI a strong institution by having elections within the party in a few months time. Chairman Khan was adamant about internal elections as this was the only way to establish permanent change. Omar Sarfraz Cheema gave some damning statistics about the results of the emerging water shortages due to the Chenab river being dammed by India. Millions of acres of arable land would be effected he revealed. There was also an emphasis on ensuring proper media coverage of the rally to conclude the campaign on December 1.

After half an hour the traffic began to move at a crawl and we turned toward Misri Shah from the 'Do Moriya Bridge', beyond which the Old City begins. The camp at Misri Shah and in Shadbagh were both run by Usama Rana who along with his boisterous supporters brimmed with confidence and courage.

"I promise PTI will sweep this part of Lahore," he declared without any hesitation.

After the upbeat tours of the last two camps, Mehmood ur Rashid insisted that Chairman Khan devout one day for the heart of Lahore, 'undruun city' - the Old City, in the last day of the campaign before the December 1 rally. This has been the call of many PTI Lahore activists who know the symbolic significance of winning the walled city region. The 'undruun city' is to Lahore what Lahore is to Pakistan.

It had been a long day - perhaps longer for Chairman Khan as he rapidly emptied the containers of raita and mint chatni with a spoon while waiting for the karrahi - but an equally rewarding one. As the PTI leaders drove through the metropolis into the congested alleys and streets, the seeds they had planted, were beginning to germinate.

"If Muhammad can't get to the mountain, the mountain will come to Muhammad" - with the launch of the membership drive, PTI has gone to the masses. The dedicated workers of the party have shown determination during the most difficult of times and stood by their leaders. We often hear of Chairman Khan inspiring the workers. But as this campaign continues, it is the workers who are inspiring the leadership.

From policeman to insanity

I stood on the pedestrian bridge just outside the shrine of Hazrat Data Gunj Bux holding my camera waiting with my friend for the arrival of Chairman Khan who was going to sign up new entrants to the party in the camp just below us as part of the two week membership drive of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf Lahore. In the distance I could make out two minarets of the Badshahi mosque but the dust-filled haze of the noon atmosphere wiped the visibility of Minar-e-Pakistan.

I do not have a professional camera, but I have always felt the depth of history, culture, and human spirit in the areas of 'undroon' Lahore. The richness of this area unleashes equally rich emotions - creative, sorrowful, jubilant - a comprehensive kaleidoscope.

On that day I met a gentleman clothed in decades old rags wandering back and forth aimlessly across the bridge. He had a large unkempt beard and teeth with traces of dark horizontal lines running across them. Despite his unimpressive appearance, he remained in a consistently joyous and kind-hearted mood. In the center of the bridge he kept his belongings tied in a large dark green bed sheet. The value of the items must not have been significant for he would often wander down the stairs and randomly greet anyone passing by in the street below with a beaming smile for lengthy periods of time.

As I was taking pictures of some of the billboards of the area, he came up to me and asked to take his picture. He made some comments which I couldn't understand but I nodded in any case.

Then he said that he's not had a decent meal for a long time.

I said I was surprised at his comments as Data Sahib never lets anyone go hungry. He stated that the food from the shrine gives him an upset stomach and causes indigestion so he prefers better quality food.

Despite my reluctance to be convinced of his difficulties due to his dietary habits, he remained cheerful and did not stoop to begging.




I took a closer look at his name tag which happened to be a policeman's ID card. His name was Sarwar and it seemed he had an interesting story to tell about a journey from being a policeman and rising in the ranks to that of insanity. But before I could ask, Chairman Khan arrived with loud cheers and I rushed for the stairs leaving the ex-policeman contentedly stooping over the bridge to catch a glimpse of the national hero.

20 Percent Magic

As a contestant for a political office, when you have a monopoly on a group or community that has a > 20% vote bank, you are in a solid position to win the election. It's not a rule set in stone, but it's something that has figured into the books of political strategists.

This is why I would assume it is possible for some political parties that may be abhorred in certain 'majority' communities, to end up winning the highest offices.

With a monopoly on 20% of a vote bank secure, there is very little a party to candidate must do to win. All that's really required is another 30% - if it's a two way race - even less if there are multiple candidates. The opponent(s) meanwhile needs to do much more.

This explains why the PPP always maintains its vote bank. It has the solid support of the Muslim and non-Muslim minority communities. Shias, Christians, Hindus etc. - all non-Muslims almost exclusively vote for the PPP. Add the Sindhis to the mix and you can see why the PPP, even when it is at its most unpopular lows, can win at least 20% of the vote. On average days, it can win 30-35%. In Pakistan that is sufficient to become the largest party and lead a coalition government.

In the Indian state of West Bengal the Muslim population is > 20% of the vote bank and this is one reason the leftist win. In Kerala, large groups of minorities help the leftist control the levers of power.

20% seems to be a number that is just right. A number that is not too big to warrant the minority community from making an exclusively separate party. And it's not too small to be ignored. A political party or candidate can use their monopoly and merely try to win a few more people over to secure victory.

I would assume this may also work in Obama's favor in today's elections in the South where the black community is bigger than the 20% figure in some states. Perhaps the Christian conservative blocks play the same role for the Republicans in the same region. However, I would be interested in seeing how much these two blocks work to secure victory for their candidates.

Imran Khan appeals for Sasta Tandoor Project

In-camera briefing: Making the army subservient

This step by the government is only the first of series that should be taken so that the Army can be forced to see the parliament as the source of executive authority rather than the GHQ.

I don’t think we should be expecting wonders on the first day - what I am hopeful for is that this will ‘wet the beak’ of the politicians and they will seek more such sessions from those who have deliberately and foolishly lead Pakistan away from the process of democracy.

Some more sessions of the military generals being forced to answer questions and finally, for once in this country’s history, made to sweat for their actions, and we will have the beginning of the end of the Army’s role as the arbitrator of Pakistan’s destiny.

Anyone who thought that merely restoring the judiciary would complete the revolution was living in a fool’s paradise. I was one of those who thought along these lines as well. The obstacles in having an independent judiciary with heroes like CJ Iftikhar Chaudhary restored are not really those placed by Zardari or the parties allied to him. It is the GHQ. Zardari and his cohorts with their allegations of corruptions do not have anywhere near as much to lose as the GHQ if an independent judiciary was given the power to clean up the rot and answer for all the great blunders - all of which were lead by the military - East Pakistan, Kargil, Siachin, and the policy on Afghanistan.

The step to convince the military to answer questions by parliamentarians is a first in starting the process to hold the Army finally accountable.

Already the politicians, particularly the opposition ones, have started to demand more answers.

Sources: The News, Dawn

Curbing army's role

Until and unless the army is made subservient to the civilian governments, the option for backdoor entries to power will remain.

It is unfortunate Musharaf wasn't tried for committing treason at least twice. There were a number of other charges he could have been tried on. For example, admitting to 'sell' Pakistani citizens to the USA or having them 'disappear' under the excuse of WoT.

Trying Musharaf was the proper thing to do and would have been popular.

Zardari's strategy to completely shut the Army out seems over ambitious and could prove fatal for him. Here's what it looks like:

1) Isolate the establishment and the Army by leaving them without any collaborators. Thus the logic behind making an alliance with the MQM, ANP, Q-League, and an uneasy one with N-League in Punjab.
2) Keep the Pakistan Army busy in the western border regions
3) Show the western powers, particularly the USA, that he is their most reliable ally
4) This isolates the Army both internally and internationally.
5) In this situation, sign a deal with India on Kashmir.

Once Kashmir no longer remains an issue, it'll destroy the basis for keeping a large Army. That will lead to justification in budget cuts for the armed forces.

Zardari has completed the first four steps. Let's see if he can complete the strategic plan.

Zardari's master stroke in Punjab

PPP increases wheat support price to 950 rupees per 40kg.

A little history:

ZA Bhutto is remembered by the rural voters - particularly of the Punjab - not so much for his ideological mumbo jumbo, but for the fact that he gave people a means to earn 'roti, kaprra, makan'. Namely the policies of providing everyone with a passport so people could go to the Middle East during the oil boom and send remittances, electronics goods, etc etc.

Secondly, and perhaps more relevant to today, was the fact that Bhutto gave farmers parity pricing for crops such as cotton and rice. This was a heaven sent opportunity as the farmers were nearly doubling their income by getting international prices for their produce.

These were the real reasons ZA Bhutto and PPP made Punjab their bastion.


Back to today, I think everyone was caught off-guard with the latest policy offered by Zardari's PPP.

The wheat support price has been raised to 950 rupees - nearly twice what it was not long ago (and up from 650 recently). After accounting for the elimination of subsidies in costs of input(s), this could easily translate into a 200 rupees plus increase in profits / 40 kg (mann) for the farmers come April.

70% of Pakistan's population is rural. It'll be interesting how the other parties sway the rural vote-bank. Of particular interest is how the PML-N responds. PPP is targetting to win Punjab back. It could not have come up with a better or more powerful policy than to increase the wheat support prices for producers.

Economically speaking, one should never hurt the producers. In that respect the PPP's policy is sound too. However, they'll offer a 10 billion subsidy to the consumers - namely those of the cities so that the prices for roti for the city folks don't go through the roof. But the city folks are only 30% of Pakistan.

But it seems like the PPP is more interested in the rural vote bank than the urban one. If no other party comes up with alternatives to PPP's wheat price initiative, it'll leave everyone else fighting for the smaller urban votebank. PML-N, PTI, JI etc will further end up in a war to canabalize each other's voters in the city.

I am sure the PML-N realizes the gravity of the situation. The ground may just slip from under their feet. But so should we in PTI. There is an anticipated district to district march of Chairman Khan later this month. What should we offer during those visits?

In the end, this competition is great for the Pakistani people and just goes to show just how and why democracy is beautiful. PTI opened just 3 tandoor in Lahore and PML-N and Shahbaz Sharif was running around trying to get the 100's of tandoors of Lahore and Rawalpindi to lower prices to 2 rupees per roti.

The political parties and their leadership know that they must work for their constituents. We may have an imperfect democracy, we may still not have the most important element of an independent judiciary, but it doesn't mean the people are out of reckoning.

Zia Mohyuddin's Faiz missing

Caption: The missing CD

I checked half a dozen shops including all the ones in Fortress, Wapda Town and Johar Town but had no luck in finding Zia Moheyuddin's recitation of Faiz's poetry. The CD's were available, but once you ask the shopkeepers to test play them, it ends up being someone else's recitation. All SHAHZAD Audio stores had this problem. Since some of these folks haven't heard of Faiz's poetry, to them Zia Moheyuddin is probably reciting Faiz in that exquisite style of his.

The futile search taught me an important lesson: Even pirates can fuck up.

However, I found a poor audio quality CD from one of the stores in Liberty. Will have to make do with this and extract the small rendition of a poem for the current documentary am working on.

Corporate Video for Rozee.pk

Hailstorm Hits Lahore

A vicious hailstorm hit Lahore with hail the size of golf balls raining down across the plains of the Punjab. The rice paddies are likely to suffer from this onslaught. The rice crop was already estimated to witness a large loss due to India's storing of the Chenab water at the Baglihar dam.

The hailstorm though bringing in pleasant weather, doesn't bring any good tidings and only adds to the economic problems of the country.

Turkey: The model for Pakistan

It is no secret that the Turkish people have an enormous reverence for Mahomed Ali Jinnah or Cinnah as written in Turkish, honoring him with Cinnah Avenue, a major artery in Ankara. It should not be surprising as both Jinnah and the founder of modern-day Turkey, Ataturk, were modernist Muslims educated and tailored in the western traditions. Both dedicated their lives to uplift the economic and political cause of their people. The similarities between the two men also include both being members of minority communities within the religion of Islam. Jinnah was an Ismaili-Shia, a community following Imam Agha Khan while Ataturk, born in Salonika, was a Muslim of Albanian-Macedonian parents. Their roots outside of mainstream Islam were significant in determining their modernist, secular ideology which was accutely aware of the 'tyranny of the majority' and desiring of equal rights for those whom demographics did not favor.

But more than this, it was the economic degradation of their communities that encouraged them to lead their people.

In pre-1947 India, the Muslim population was primarily illiterate with little or no significant role in commerce, which was almost exclusively owned by a non-Muslim majority. Jinnah however, was part of the coastal Ismaili Muslim community which unlike most Muslims, was more interested in enterprise and bourgeoise professions and thus could grasp the need to set up a state - be it within the Indian union or without - whereby the members of his Muslim community could have opportunities allowing them to gain a stake and representation in the economic system.

In similar respects, the Young Turk movement, of which Ataturk was a member, also aimed to establish a state where the Muslims held economic power. Due to the abhorent decadence of the Khilafat-e-Usmania, the Muslim community had become the equivalent of 'white trash' of the Khilafat while the minority communities like the Armenians and Greeks prospered as they opted to adopt western legal codes. The biographies of Ataturk and the early 20th century indicate how the non-Muslim Ottoman neighborhoods were well lit with paved roads and had the best schools and hospitals. It was Ataturk's desire to see the majority Muslim community achieve the same modern life style denied to them - a denial he and many of the Young Turk movement linked to the Khilafat's archaic legal codes and traditions.

Unfortunately, while Turkey has stuck to the ideals of Ataturk, Pakistan has quickly forgotten Jinnah's almost single-handed struggle to build a prosperous nation. While the Islamic-bent AKP party of Turkey today ferociously supports Turkey's union with the European Union as part of Ataturk's modernist legacy, Pakistan is fraught with internecine civil war, religious bigotry, a self-destructive obesession against India, and whose Army is now wrecking havoc against its own people in the FATA region, for a war fought on someone else's behalf. Whereas Turkey has always stood up for its national interests and been the only country to militarily attack Europe since WW II (through a military assault it forcefully occupied 40% of Cyprus in the 1970's) and refused $25 billion in aid from the United States to assist in the war against Iraq, Pakistan has capitulated in a dramatically tragic manner to the whims of foreign powers.

While Jinnah and Ataturk had many similarities and would not mind enjoying a glass of Turkish wine if they met, there is a massive gulf between the leadership of Pakistan and Turkey today. What can Pakistan learn from the successful model adopted by Turkey? What does modern day Turkey have to teach us?

Prime Minister Erdogan's AKP party started its journey assisting the poor members of the urban Turkish landscape. One of the projects was to offer bread at break-even cost to the poor who were severely effected by hyper inflation. The scheme became so successful, that private bakeries went out of business. More importantly it catapulted the AKP party (then known as Welfare Party) into the mainstream of Turkish politics.

In a similar attempt, Chairman Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf is also attempting to find resonance amongst the urban poor of Pakistan who are the suffering from exorbitant food inflation. Thus the Sasta Tanduur project has been set up in much the same fashion as the Turkish party's. However, the Sasta Tanduur project goes a step further by offering subsidized roti which results in each tanduur incurring a daily loss. This loss is expected to be fulfilled by the appeal for donations voiced by Chairman Khan.

Aside from aggressively reaching out to those bruised by faulty economic policies, the other major example to learn from the Turkish Republic is to stand up to foreign powers. Completely redefining the war we are currently fighting is critical as persisting with policies in which our military is massacring our own people will lead us down the path of self-destruction.

Finally and most importantly, the fact that Turkey has pursued a pro-development economic policy beneficially tied to the West without forfeiting its sovereignty is worth emulating. Today, Turkish consumer electronics firms rank among the top three in terms of sales in many of the household product lines.

Standing up for the poor and against foreign powers are the hallmarks of good leadership which Chairman Khan has shown and which our nation needs to adopt. While we cannot be a replica copy of the Turkish Republic, the fundamentals of standing up to western powers and focusing on the have-nots of our society deserve to be copied so that one day, Pakistan too will mirror the glorious image of its founder, Mahomed Ali Jinnah.

Published for www.insaf.pk

Ramzan kay side-effects

It is quite possibly the most unproductive month of the year. This repute is so well established, even foreigners who are looking to invest in the country cross this month off their calendar knowing nothing is going to get done.

While purists will insist the purpose of Ramzan has already been defeated by the unanimous alteration in behavior, it nevertheless is celebrated – with the accompanying advertisements, promotions, and songs – with some degree of fervor mostly propped up I should add by marketing companies looking to fully use the event for profit maximization. The reality is that more and more people no longer see the need to observe this pillar of the Islamic faith.

Last night during iftari, a table discussion took place where it was asked if there was a reason to mandate Ramzan. Putting aside the 1400 years of reasons revealing the importance of fasting, one person suggested that allocating the month to fast was a response seeking to adjust for the annual scarcity faced by the desert outposts like Mecca and Medina. Although it was point out that the early Muslims depended on the lunar and not solar calendar as they were not an agrarian culture like that of Mespotamia, Indus or Nile, and so didn’t follow the crop harvesting schedule, it was suggested that the inconsistent camel caravans transporting food and trade patterns may have affected the Arabs to make this move. Another person asked if the pre-Islamic Arabs also fasted. As many of the traditions of the pre-Islamic Arabia were adopted/accepted by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) under the declaration that they were actually Abrahamic traditions, mandatory fasting could also fit into this schema.

While there is probably some economic rationale to mandating a month to fast and decrease food input (almost all actions have an economic rationale), what is clear today is that this month doesn’t really fulfill any economic reasoning. Excuses like how the body lowers its cholesterol, fat and improves health are apologetics offered. The very fact that economic productivity declines to zilch is an indictment of what this month has been rendered as.

While a large majority remains committed to celebrating this month, those who seek productive behavior are quietly ignoring it. Eventually I see some form of relaxation occurring from the edicts of future ulema-e-Islam on how to ensure people obey the fast without going completely hungry for 12 hours a day.

When behavior disturbs economic activity, there is always a measured reaction that occurs in society to bring it in line with economic rationale. It is unlikely that a people will become more ‘spiritual’ and observe the month like it was supposed to have been observed and work with the same vigor they do the rest of the year. What is likely are people ignoring the fast due to the inconvenience it posts or the ulema-e-Islam stepping and providing avenues of leniency and additions to what is permissible while one is fasting so that people’s bodies can at least get some work done.

UPS units do roaring business

Ulterior Power Supply units have become a household feature over the past few months due to frequent power outages. The basic unit will power a few light bulbs and a few fans when WAPDA supply is cut. The UPS recharges when there is power coming from the 'main' (supply).

While the UPS are a perfectly natural reaction to the power shortage, the behavior reflects a degree of predictability in Pakistanis. The disconnect between themselves and their government becomes apparent. For a variety of reasons the people have little faith in government and expect very little from. There is no consideration given to the fact that the people have always been paying an ever increasing amount of what they earn to the government through a plethora of taxes and therefore should expect at least the basic provisions. The unwillingness to hold the government responsible while continuing to pay up has made us a rather compliant lot. Pakistanis prefer to make quick fixes rather than trying to spend energy on altering the fundamentals of the nation.

The innocent looking UPS is a reflection of a quick fix. It eases life for those who can afford it. WAPDA can be damned. KESC can be damned. When it comes to reforming national institutions, we are helpless, hopeless and humbled. If the ever dependable market economy provides an easy way out, we'll take it.

Expect to spend a minimum of 30,000 rupees for one unit which includes the UPS and two Exide batteries. Also expect to pay up for 'service' charges as there is a regular requirement for adjusting the unit - which is a minimum of 500 rupees per month. In case of a battery malfunction, a likely possibility, a new one could cost as high as a whopping 5,500 - it used be almost half that only a year a go.

Faiz Ahmed Faiz

Trips down memory lane…was recently asked, ‘What made you interested in Faiz?’ a question that can easily be answered by replying with the renowned ghazals one has heard, or the ‘hum daikhain gay’ chant of Iqbal Bano members of all sections of society happily claim to uphold. Lots of usual reasons. Though I’m gradually losing confidence in my mental archives, I did manage to trace two possible starting points for the love affair of Faiz’s poems.

Did one instance occur before the second? Or was it the other way round? Whatever the case, the thing that I can be reasonably sure of is that it doesn’t matter. The fact is I was 14 years old, in love with Christina, had just given Junoon’s Album1 one final chance and didn’t know what to take to class as part of the ‘bring something about your country’ assignment.

In Junoon Volume 1, the song ‘jeeain’ begins with a poem by Faiz…a memorable set of lines, but one which weren’t entirely understood until many months later when I’d read the complete poem. However, it was the other poem which marked a turning point.

I normally didn’t ask dad questions related to studies. I always ended up further confused. But this was a last minute thing and I needed help. So I asked him as he was rushing out for his field work in Wad Madani (we were in Sudan). He quickly took out the first book that came off the shelf which happened to be Faiz’s ‘nuskhaha-e-vafa’ and chose the first poem that came up – it was called ‘Kuttay’ (Dogs) and without considering my obvious displeasure at the selected title went on to explain in detail the underlying theme.

The seeds were laid then and I admit that though not know that well, it is among the best poems of Faiz I’ve read. And for all intents and purposes is responsible for the ideological shift I’d taken, on who I’d select as my heroes and who I would not.

Yeh galiyoun kay avara baykaar kuttay,
Keh bakhsha gaya jin ko zoaq-e-gadai,
Zamanay kee phatkaar sarmaya un ka,
Jehaan-bhar ke dhatkaar un kee kamaii…

[These filthy wandering street dogs,
Who have been blessed with unending poverty,
Life’s aimlessness is their only investment,
The world’s merciless kicks are their only earning…

And after describing the unenviable, poverty-stricken masses who have seemingly no hope, Faiz ends the poem with the imploring lines…

Koi un ko ehsaas-e-zillat dikhladay
Koi un kee soee hui dum hiladay…

[If only they realized the extent of their humiliation,
If only they could be awoken from their slumber…]

Mullen comes to mull

Kiyani and Mullen have met today in Islamabad apparently to discuss why Pakistan won't let the US forces to intrude into the territories of Pakistan.

Shouldn't need an explanation but perhaps the United States is worried over the sudden burst of valor shown by the Pakistanis. For almost 7 years the Pakistanis bent over backwards for the war on terror and now a it seems a breaking point has been witnessed by the nation. The war on terror has gone terribly wrong and the USA has utterly failed to achieve anything in Afghanistan. It's convenient to slander what was a classic banana republic but now with a democratic dispensation, that may not be so easy.

It's best if all parties realize that they should cooperate rather than pursue failed policies over and over again. Hopefully the meeting will conclude with the conviction to eliminate terrorists and help Pakistan rebuild the fabrics of its torn western regions.

Destructive role of the Pakistan Army

Ayesha Siddiqa's book Military Inc. has given us a good foundation to understand the roles of the Pakistan Army which are well beyond the realm of their professional duties.

Although at times the book seems to be gasping for statistics, this attempt by Ms. Siddiqa nevertheless helps us understand the comprehensive infiltration of the Army and consequent destruction of Pakistani institutions. From housing schemes, construction firms, fertilizer plants and banks, the tentacles of the Milbus is well spread out.

It also reveals other misconceptions - i.e. that it's a Punjabi Army. Although there is truth to this, further inspection reveals that only 3 of the 34 districts of Punjab find representation.
In page 59, her research sheds light on the composition of the Army. It turns out 75% of the Pakistan Army is from three districts in Northern Punjab - presumably Rawalpindi, Attock and Chakwal. Another 20% of the Army recruits hail from 4-5 districts in the NWFP, leaving the rest of the 125 districts of the country with a 5% representation.

With such damning statistics already raising question marks on the ability of the Army to satisfy the heterogenous mix of the country, the intrusion into the markets and economic structures of Pakistan reflect extremely negatively on this institution. The fact that it has taken over through the barrel of the gun and maintains one pointed at the democratic leaders even today, gives the Armed Forces a menacing image. It makes sense then to see the same threatening posture used to make the politicians bow down, also be used to squeeze benefits from the state's financial institutions and fund what often are loss making enterprises benefitting an elite group of officers and their immediate beneficiaries.

Why the Chief Justice can't be restored

This article by Kamran Shafi provokes questions and offers suggestions as to why a sitting government cannot allow the Chief Justice of Pakistan to continue his constitutional term as the supreme court CJ. Perhaps he shook too many pillars of power too quickly. While he performed heroics unseen before in living memory, perhaps he did not have the tact that, say Justice Marshall, had when he was successfully securing the right of judicial review from the executive and legislature.




Most Blameless of them all
By Kamran Shafi

What in the world did My Lord Iftikhar Chaudhry do to deserve any of this? How does he, of all people, deserve to be disgraced in the manner that every Tom, Dick and Harry in the old dispensation, and every Tom, Dick and Harry in the present one, disgraced/are disgracing him? Or tried/are trying to?

If I have my facts right, CJ Chaudhry was a hardworking, diligent judge who did a lot of good for the litigants in the Supreme Court, and by example in the other high courts of Pakistan during the time he was CJ of this luckless country.

If I recall, there were something like 33,000 cases pending before the Supreme Court at the time that he became chief justice on June 30, 2000, and despite the fact that almost 30,000 fresh cases were brought before the court during his tenure, the Supreme Court roster stood at 11,000 by the time that he was illegally and unconstitutionally thrown out of office by the Chief of Army Staff.Add to all of the above cases at least 7,000 to do with human rights which were brought before the human rights cell set up by himself and you get a fair idea of how hard he worked and what a good job he did for the very vast majority of Pakistanis.

Indeed, the yeoman service he did for human rights and which finally cooked his goose as far as our American buddies are concerned is when he demanded to know the whereabouts of some of the disappeared whose families had come before him as petitioners. And wonder of wonders found some of them languishing in Pakistan Army quarter guards (shame on you, gentlemen) on cooked-up charges — one of which, if I remember correctly, was an affair-of-the-heart-with-a-senior-army-officer’s-niece-gone-wrong. And other such. In none of which cases did the CJ order any release, or pre-judge: all he did was order that the accused would henceforth be kept in a proper, recognised jail and that one of his court’s officials would be the guardian of the prisoner.

If I have my facts right, this is the man who did much good in the eyes of most Pakistanis, including issuing orders to halt the despoliation of forests to make a new hill station near the already overbuilt Murree which was meant to reap huge monetary benefits for the then sitting government of Punjab and its cronies; the stopping of the mini-golf and junk-food money-spinner in the F-7 Markaz which would have precluded the poor using the park; the banning of the use of the Doongi Ground in Lahore for the self-serving (and idiotic) purpose of setting up an IMAX cinema (I ask you); and last but not least questioning the sale of the Steel Mills at a throwaway price.

This is the man who was summoned by Gen Pervez Musharraf, the then Chief of Army Staff and ‘President’ of Pakistan to Army House one spring day, March 9, 2007 to be precise, and in the presence of the Corps Commander 10 Corps, DG ISI, DG MI, DG IB and sundry other military officers told to resign. This is the man who sat, hands folded, in front of the great and mighty general — we saw it all on live television, did we not, only the script went horribly wrong when he said, quietly, “I will not resign”.

As an aside, one hears that all hell broke loose then, with Gen Musharraf losing his cool (to say the least) and storming out of the room hurling invectives at the chief justice, at which time the others in the room, with the sole exception of Ashfaq Kayani the then DG ISI, also getting into the act and warning the CJ of dire consequences if he refused to go quietly.

If memory serves, thousands of lawyers and members of civil society, even respectable old men, and women, came out on to the streets in support of the CJ. Hundreds of them, mainly lawyers, yes even old men and women, were beaten black and blue and bloody and dragged to police trucks and vans and hauled off to jails for months on end. If one recalls, with great anger I might add, even while being dragged or half-carried to the trucks three and four and five louts in civvies thrashed the arrested on and about the face and head quite mercilessly.

As another aside, it came back to me at the time that we really had not evolved into full human beings as yet; that we were still on a lower rung on the evolutionary ladder; that there was a long way to go until we got to human status. Juxtaposition was there: in those days — just after the March 9 stupidity. There was some trouble in Russia and one of the former Soviet republics. People were being arrested there too: one policeman on either side of the arrestee marching him/her off to a police truck or bus. Not one policeman lifted a hand against any of the protesters, let alone thrashed them.

But back to My Lord Iftikhar Chaudhry. Is the man who stood up and said no to a military dictator to be treated this way? Is the man whose defiance of an army dictator led to an uprising by two important sections of society — lawyers and civil society — and which hastened the demise of the dictatorship, to be treated this way? By lies and deceit and trickery and duplicity?
Does Attorney General Khosa, who is fast proving himself to be more than a fitting replacement for the unlamented Malik Qayyum, really think he can get away by saying that Mr Dogar is a “constitutional” CJ and therefore My Lord Iftikhar Chaudhry cannot become chief justice?
Was CJ Chaudhry removed constitutionally?

More than anything else, the People’s Party has always stood for constitutionality and democracy that comes when you follow the constitution. How in the world can it justify what its Toms, Dicks and Harrys are saying today? Does Asif Zardari really think he can live this down?
In the end, I am told the Foreign Office advised Asif Zardari that putting off the China visit for a ‘private’ visit to London first wouldn’t be a problem. Who are the core-professionals trying to fool? The ancient and cultured Chinese, where loss of face is a slight, worse than any other? Yousuf Raza Gilani started it all by going to the US first (and not to China at all — the Olympics junket in which Pakistan did disgracefully does not qualify as a state visit), and now Zardari does it by going to the UK — and thence to the US(?) before visiting our great friend AND great neighbour.

The portents are bad already.
kshafi1@yahoo.co.uk

Praising Robbers

Hai ahl-e-dil kay liyay ab yeh nazm-e-bast-o-kushaad,
Keh sang-o-khist muqayyad hain aur sag azaad.

-Faiz

Traveling through the lanes of time, we are offered many signs and pointers. Because we all have our own unique comprehension patterns, how we each understand these signs and pointers is what makes each of us an individual.

In Hazrat Sheikh Saadi's (RA) story, a poet tries to impress the chief of the robbers by writing a eulogy in the hope of receiving a reward. Upon hearing the poet's lyrics, the chief orders his men to strip the poet of his clothes and kick him out of the cave. The bewildered poet asks the reason for this unexpected reaction.

"This will teach you not to praise a robber!", responds the Chief.

The naked poet is kicked out of the cave into the cold snowy terrain and quickly finds himself being chased by dogs. In desperation he tries to pick up stones to ward off the canines but the stones are frozen in the ground, leaving him to ponder the circumstances of a land where dogs roam free and he is defenseless.

The lines by Faiz mentioned above were inspired by this tale and aptly capture the confounded state of existence of the people of Pakistan today.

The school book tale's relevance is difficult to ignore today. How often we set aside our standards of right and wrong not because we are convinced by a change in their contextual relativity but because we are unwilling to struggle otherwise, unwilling to upset the semblance of order we've established in our own desperate lives.

In October 1999, when a new chapter was opened in the tragic epic of Pakistan, there was hardly a voice criticizing the coup of the dictator. Instead, the act of treason was showered with praise and many an analyst, including myself and our party's leadership, predicted of good days to come. We all wholeheartedly said good riddance to the elected parliament and reared hopes whilst in the lap of a usurper.

In only a matter of months, a vast number of those celebrating the coup found themselves not only vulnerable to attack, but unable to defend themselves or be heard. The robbery of the nation of the past nine years was unprecedented, much of it excused once the lines between speculative profiteering and crime became conveniently blurred. In the absence of an independent judiciary, there was no one and no reason for distinguishing between the two.

Yet even during this period, there was a choir of many an intelligent economist and analyst who could not reject the conjured figures and preferred to proclaim that the economic managers of the dictator were worthy of respect and the fort of the nation was strong, a lack of vision, respect for law or institutional absence notwithstanding. Nor were they moved when thousands of workers of political parties including Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf were chased around and thrown in jail if caught for no reason other than their desire for an independent judiciary and justice.

Today, as hunger chases people through the unlit alleys of cities and villages, the grandiloquent speeches declaring the nation being on the verge of an economic miracle ring horrifyingly hollow. The praise of robbers comes to haunt us.

Then we witnessed yet another miracle of an election held under the same dictator in which familiar faces of yesteryears appeared in gowns of saviors and promises of a better tomorrow. We wasted no time in singing praises for them and the revolutionary deeds they would surely engage in to honor the confidence of the people who put them there.

Unfortunately the dawn of a new day has quickly turned dark. Once again we find ourselves left betrayed and defenseless with little recourse for justice. Robbers old and new continue to lay claim to the thrones of power. Sycophants new and old emerge bombarding them with praise. The few fabrics of Pakistani society have been torn apart and half the country has been turned into a no-go area as spirited movements of resistance fortify, some deriving inspiration from injustice dealt to them, and an array of opportunists such as the Taliban terrorists promising swift archaic laws that bury any move toward institution-building that caught fervor on March 9, 2007. In this bewildering state of defenselessness with everyone screaming to be heard, international super powers naturally smell blood and willingly seek to pull and tug to ensure their voice is heard the loudest.

Perhaps we had ignored the lessons Saadi elaborated upon centuries before. Or perhaps the frailty of the human mind in the face of existence nurtures hope in even those who un-repentantly offer more without having delivered anything before.

To be fair, many have learned their lesson. Chief Justice's rejection of Musharaf's dictation being the first example. The collective disgust of the nation on how those sitting in the parliament are handling the judicial issue being another. But will these actions and reactions be sufficient to avoid our praise of future robbers that find their way into the corridors of power? Will these lessons prove to be sufficient when political re-alignment demands the embrace of criminals and crooks?

I don't know if Hazrat Sheikh Saadi (RA) was a fortune teller. Perhaps he had seen in his time, the display of men praising their leaders who in return treated their subjects with scorn and contempt. Whatever the basis of this tale, it gives us plenty to reflect upon and maybe ponder before we engage in the next charade of hope and despair.

Our actions of the past have scorched our land rendering it far away from the gulistan dreamed by our founder. Hazrat Sheikh Saadi’s (RA) stories may not offer a project plan for fixing the broken dreams, but they do reveal some pointers. They are not a revelation. Maybe not even something of an inspiration. They are just some signs there for us to interpret and hopefully not ignore this time.

- Fraz Shafique