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Saturday, August 20, 2011

Thirst for oil

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The power crisis reflects how the traditional political forces have used up all the possibilities to delay the inevitable:  switching to hydro-based or locally generated options to generate electricity.  The economics has caught up with them.  The thirst for commissions through a preference to import oil will be punished come election time.

Monday, June 27, 2011

Bol: A Review and a Thank You to Shoman

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Sometimes the prevalent brutality of reality subdues our senses for long enough to declare barbaric actions as legitimate.  Barbaric laws as legal necessities.  Allow this status quo to brew and grow for generations and centuries and it results in a stymied populace perpetually terrorizing itself through doctrinal teachings that classify and rank human beings.  Bol not only rejects the age-old foundations for grading humans based on gender, but provides inspiration to a self-terrorized society about the beautiful possibilities that emerge if we choose to speak up and break the shackles inherited from the past. 

Shoaib Mansoor (Shoman) knows how to paint a story in all its hues without losing the end picture if you will.  His previous works are a homage, a reverence and a celebration of dance, poetry, music and art.  His foray into film with Khuda Kay Liyay gave the impression that Shoman was not content with making great music or entertaining television serials.  He wanted to take on a society that was increasingly duplicitous and constantly bending to the whims of obscurantism and willing to bury its beautiful heritage.  With Bol he has again come out all guns blazing.  Shoman isn't merely showing the mirror to society but goes for the jugular in a nihilist barrage against a decadent order represented by Hakim Syed Shafaatullah played by Manzar Sehbai. 

Shafaatullah's inherited but hopelessly dwindling business in herbal medicine in an era where exposure to medical science had won over the sick contrasts with his attempts to maintain a secluded, pure existence at home.  His daughters cannot leave home much less work.  However, his unmet desire to father a male child infuriates him and the frustration is taken out against the females of his household. 

In many ways it is a reflection of contemporary Pakistani Muslim society which cannot cope with the brutal truths of science and seeks remedies in the shrubs of faith.  When that doesn't work economically weak individuals, groups and minorities are made scapegoats and used to create a mirage of power for the majority. 

But this is a movie, not a post-modern feminist narrative.  Furthermore, it is a Pakistani movie in an era when desperate attempts to resuscitate the film industry have yet to deliver results.  Shoman continues to carry this national burden along with his socio-political message inserted in an entertainment medium.  How does a single director take up these challenges within a three hour time frame while not losing the audience? Enter Shafqat Cheema playing the role of Saqa Kanjar from the Old Lahore red light district where moral standards are turned head over heals with female children valued and males seen as a burden.  Apart from infusing the film with heavy doses of comical entertainment, the character simultaneously sets up as the foil to Hakim Shafaatullah.  While the preference for female children as future money earning prostitutes offer a resounding contrast, it also highlights the middle-class urban religious moral standards where women are only be perceived in two categories: either as heavenly pure or slutty whores.  These extreme ends give comfort to morals of mortals.  So Syed Shafaatullah can digest sleeping with a dancing girl but refuses to allow his daughters to find a clerical job since that would be morally confusing.

Today's Pakistan is society in a flux where everyday honor killings have become an acceptable norm.  The demonic of codes of honor have become the moral standards which need to be met for living a dignified life.  Thus, Saifi, the eunuch child of Shafaatullah, meets a fate often read in the headlines of daily papers.  Shoman deliberately refuses to grant audience the ease of moral extremes and constantly forces them into the grey unknowns of life where the purity of human emotions and desires prove to be more resilient and worthy of admiration than edicts and mechanical structures of faith.  When Humaima Malik declares she has committed murder, but not sinned, we are forced to question the concepts of crime and punishment in theological jurisprudence.  The sequence of sin equaling a crime necessitating punishment is broken.  A sin may not be a crime, and so negating the need for punishment. 

There are several flaws one can point to in the film.  Atif Aslam's role was under-utilized.  Cinematography was weak.  At times Humaima's dialogue turns preachy and may have been better and more powerful if left unsaid - but then again, the title of the movie suggests otherwise. 

Shoman's ability to hit the nerves sets him apart from from many a famous director and script writer.  He could achieve far greater success and fame if he stuck to merely entertaining audiences.  But Shoman uses cinema with all its potential to plant the seeds of change.  Khuday Kay Liyay was one of the three most successful films of all time.  To this day, its music and message cause headaches as they confront the conservative orders of society.  Bol goes several steps further.  Sometime from now, the National College of Arts or other institutions teaching film studies, will be analyzing these films that carry within them both the analysis of a nation as well as a positive vision for the future. 

Hasan Dars: A poet I never knew

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I read about the passing of the poet Hasan Dars and am bewildered by the knowledge that I never came across him or his poetry before. 


I wish I had read him when he was alive.  The sprinkled translations I've read remind of the the modernist persian poets. 

Wednesday, June 15, 2011

Oothan valay tur jaan gay

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Hazrat Umar Khayam understood it the best.  Here it is sung.

Saturday, May 28, 2011

A matter of mere perception

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Unless the perception of Pakistanis is harnessed in favor of the fight against terrorists and miscreants, no matter how many ‘high value targets’ are killed, the entire exercise to bring law and order will go in vain. Recall how radically the national opinion in Swat changed after Sufi Muhammad rejected the Pakistan Constitution followed by the video of the flogging. The Swat operation was given a chance of success once the it became an issue of Pakistan’s laws vs. a lunatics. Similarly, unless this war is completely perceived to be Pakistan’s – ie between Pakistanis who want the supremacy of the Constitution and those who want their want to prop up a pre-tribal society, no matter how convincing an argument presented against terrorism, it will fail. Like it has miserably failed the past ten years. Rather than seek more of the same, in greater magnitude, a radical break from all previous alliances is necessary to bring about the all important perception that no one can carry a weapon much less use it outside the security forces.

Win the hearts and minds by ridding ourselves of the perception that this war is being fought at behest of someone. We will always be in a better position to tackle terrorism even if turns into a mini-civil war. But what exists now is a war of attrition where the foreign powers have the option to wipe their hands clean without any obligation or much fear of consequences. We have no such option and will always live with the consequences. Better those consequences are determined by our own unilateral action.

Wednesday, May 25, 2011

A clean break in policy

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Mere tweaking of policies in the hope of altering the downward spiral of the nation's trajectory are an exercise in vain. Only a clean break from the past 30 years of policies can offer a way forward.

Pakistan's civilian leadership remains happily passive to a swirl of events.  Perhaps they are waiting for the military to buckle under pressure and willingly agree to become subservient to the civilian leadership.  Or, perhaps the civilian leadership is hoping they will never have to tackle the terrorist onslaught and the military's monster is best left for the military to destroy.

Regardless, a dire situation with no upturn in sight. 

Monday, May 23, 2011

PTI's Dharna against Drone Attacks

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PTI has successfully latched onto an issue that it can own with the holding of the second dharna against drone strikes in Karachi

The basic premise is sound:  The policy of entangling oneself with the US in Afghanistan will continue to have an escalating blow back for Pakistan.  35,000 Pakistanis have been murdered since 9/11 and terrorism rises every day.  The policy has failed.  Repeating the same will only exacerbate the situation. 


So a need to come up with alternatives.  Going against drone attacks is a no-brainer as almost everyone agrees that they not only enraging more people as a vast majority of those killed have nothing to do with the perpetrators of terrorist attacks.  Even more importantly, no country should be allowed to attack national territory.  So it's very easy to sway public opinion on side against drone attacks. 


Normally, whenever Chairman Khan took a stance on an issue, other parties jumped in and spoke louder than him for the same stance hijacking the issue.  This time, 'Dharna against Drone Attacks' is all Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf.  It's a stance with only upsides to it. 

More than likely, the drone attacks will cause more harm than good, and PTI will be there to reap the political rewards having lead for a change in policy on this issue.  A compromised political leadership, a military leadership financially entangled with foreign aid all function to isolate the establishment players.  PTI can only gain from this. 

Saturday, April 23, 2011

Posing for the firing squads

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One cannot dispute the single-minded resolve of the people across the Mediterranean Arab world for change.  The droves that come out of their homes everyday and face the firing squads are no less sincere in their desire for seeking change than 18th century French or the revolutionaries of Iran. 

I find poetry conveniently missing in the reporting of massacres of protesters in the global media.  There are only brief moments in generations that revolutionary movements occur.  Time knocks on the Mediterranean.  Unfortunately, perhaps the TV, Film and Media industries prefer revolutions nicely scripted through paid writers instead of leaving them in the hands of those posing for the firing squads. 

Sunday, April 17, 2011

Punjabi Months

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  1. Po [December]
  2. Maagh [Jan]
  3. Phagan [Feb]
  4. Chaiter [March]
  5. Baisaakh [April]
  6. Jaytth [May]
  7. Haarr [June]
  8. Saavan [July]
  9. Bhaadroun [August]
  10. As-suu [Sept]
  11. Kat-aa [October]
  12. Magar [Novermber]

Saturday, April 9, 2011

Mickey Mouse Revolutions?

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The revolutions of Arabia are, not surprisingly, turning out to be mickey mouse revolutions at best.  Egypt is firmly in the grip of the military dictators who are attempting to cushion the blows of the young against an old order.  Libyan nationalists, hoping to secure a different future find themselves, again not surprisingly, stuck between a senile old leader trying to wipe them out and NATO air strikes meant to convey who controls the ace card as well as invite the side willing to sign a Faustian pact vis a vis oil contracts.  Bahrain is now occupied by the defender of the two holy mosques.  The Yemeni leader is willing to leave but only after handpicking his successor.

Attempts to stage manage the aspirations of the people who seek change seem to be an exercise in vain. But regional an international forces would much like to see a mere facade of the new with cosmetic changes rather than what the protesters demand.  
More things change...

Thursday, April 7, 2011

Post Cricket Semi-Final Analysis by Sabzi Mandi Vendors

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"Sister-fuckers!"

"They lost a match that was won!"

"Sons of thieves!"

"Sister-fuckers!"

Sunday, February 20, 2011

Gaddafi's last stand

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As Tunisia and Egypt went down to anti-government protesters, the message for the rest of the Middle Eastern regimes was to stand up and fight it out.  Unfortunately, this is no longer an age when media and channels of communications can be curtailed. 

However, Bahrain, Libya and Yemen are next in line for the battles for regime change.  Bahraini leadership seems to have over-played its violent hand and now the opposition looks like it has won the upper hand.  Back in 1994, I was privy to some of the ethnic strife when I'd travel through the congested areas around the Yateem Center.  Apparently much of Bahrain's police force was recruited from Pakistani Punjabis - who were often targeted by the majority community.  The sunni royalty of Bahrain will probably give up most of it's power to the majority group(s) in exchange for ensuring that Iran has negative impact on future policy decisions.  For a regime that will inevitably fall, the other oil rich Arab states in the region are going to press the Bahraini royalty to do them a favor and gain something out of the fall. 

Gaddafi's Libya is crushing the Benghazi rebellion seeking a full-fledged battle.  It reflects how these protesters are not seeking a compromise.  Both sides know it's a 'do-or-die' scenario, a zero-sum game.  There is no notion of 'truth-and-reconciliation' commissions being formed.  The successes of Tunisia, Egypt and eventually Bahrain, is proving to be contagious. 

Although so far Egypt and Tunisia seem like a case of 'aasman say utra, khajuur main atka' (i.e. out of the pan and into the fire) so far, the middle class which has lead these movements will nevertheless find common ground in other nations as well.  Right now, it's only a 'half-victory' at best.  But it's unlikely that the ruling elites will be able to convince the people to accept a change of face in return for maintaining a status quo for too long. 

If Gaddafi fails to remain in power despite causing a bloodbath, it will signal serious trouble for Algeria and more importantly, other oil-rich Arab states.