Imanae Malik haunts Doctors Hospital

Negligence on part of doctors at Lahore's 'most expensive' hospital, known as 'Doctors Hospital', has ruffled, if not shaken those who are performing the duty of saving lives.

The negligence leading to the death of the child Imanae (website: www.imanae.co.uk) has already resulted in the closure of the pharmacy at the hospital for selling 'fake drugs' and not handling temperature sensitive drugs correctly.  The fight against malpractice is lead by the parents of the unfortunate child.  However, holding the mighty accountable is a responsibility of everyone. 

Those who own and run Doctors Hospital are among the wealthiest individuals in the profession.  They are currently running a counter campaign on local television channels in which selected poor patients are (suddenly though not surprisingly) being given free-of-cost treatment to help alleviate the abrasive criticism from the death of Imanae Malik.

However, what is required is an independent body that oversees and enforces at least some of the basic criteria and standards of those practicing medicine.  Doctors will make mistakes.  Doctors, like any other professional, will mostly be concerned about what they are making in financial gains.  Moral behavior will be hard to regulate.

However, there is no excuse for having 'fake' medications or not storing them properly.  Nor is it difficult to ensure that quacks and those who do not have degrees be prevented from practicing (something that may have contributed to Imanae's death).  Such small things can easily be controlled.  And be the first step toward preventing future losses.

NRO Beneficiaries

For what it's worth:

The accused (and their accusations)

ISLAMABAD: The Ministry of Law and Justice under the direction of the prime minister on Saturday released official lists containing names of government servants and others who benefited from the NRO.

These include: (NAB-Punjab & NAB Rawalpindi) Govt servants & others

1. Muhammad Ahmad Sadiq, Ex-Principal Secretary to PM (Assets beyond means); 2. Javaid Ahmad Qureshi, Chief Secretary (Fraud in ZCL’s contracts) ; 3. Anwar Hussain, SDO Gepco, Wapda and 2 LS Gepco, Wapda; 4. Saif Ullah LS; 5. Syed Sultan Ali Shah LS (Accused persons demanded illegal gratification for TW connections); 6.Muhammad Arshad, Line Superintendent Wapda City Sub-Division, Sammundri, Faisalabad (Non deposit of Rs 1,19,670); 7. Syed Ehsan Ali Shah LS Wapda (Corruption/ bribery); 8. Munawar Hussain Asstt Divisional Engr PTCL; 9. Muhammad Ashfaq Naz asstt Engr; 10. Muhammad Shahid PTCL Exch Samanabad (Misused complainant’s telephone as PCO through forgery and fraud Amount Rs0.827M); 11. Mirza Saeed Ahmed, Line Supdtt; 12. Akbar Ali, LS; 13. Allah Wassaya, M/Reader (Misuse of authority causing loss to govt exchequer (Rs0.442M); 14. Hakim Din, Registration Clerk; 15. Sardar Ali, Clerk Nadra Kasur; 16. Nadir Khan (Issuance of forged NIC); 17. Naeem-ud-Din, Ex-UDC 16 Military Estate Officer Sialkot Cantt (Misappropriation of Rs0.71M through 37 Treasury receipt); 18. Hanif Ahmad Rahi, Assistant Audit Officer, Defence Audit, Sargodha (Raid Trap Case); 19. Abbas Ali Senior Auditor; 20. Muhammad Safdar Hussain, Senior Auditor; 21. Abuzur Jaffri (Absconder )Ex-Cameraman, Wild Life Deptt, Punjab ; 22 Muneer-ud-Din Chaudhry ,Ex-Sr. Auditor; 23. Abdul Razzaq Bhatti, Asst Superintendent; 24. Mehar Sajjad Ahmed, Ex Counter Clerk F-12; 25. Mirza Muhammad Ayub, Ex-Accounts Officer

; 26. Muhammad Iqbal Shah, Ex-Accounts Officer; 27. Mukhtar Ahmed Accounts Officer (Retd); 28. Malik Shahamat Ali accounts Officer (Retd); 29. Mian Abdul Rehman, Ex-Accounts Officer (r); 30. Muhammad Shafique, Ex Asst A/c Offr 31. Syed Javed Hassan, Ex-Senior Auditor; 32. Syed Muzaffar Hussain Shah, Ex-J/Auditor; 33. Irshad Hussain, Ex-Senior Auditor; 34. Tariq Mehmood Typist (BPS-5), AG Office Lahore in Abuzar Jaffri case (Misappropriation of govt funds (Rs59M)(Rs2.6M); 35. CH. Nazir Ahmed, Disstt Food Controller ; 36 M. Safiullah Awan, Food Grain Supervisor; 37. Muhammad Hussain, Office Superintendent; 38. M. Farooq Khan, Ex-Distt Food Controller (Misuse of authority Causing loss of Rs2.4M to exchequer in allocation of wheat quota to flour mills); 39. Dr Shahzad Munawar (Textile Quota); 40. Amjad Hussain Sandhal, Suspended Tehsildar, Ex Land Acquisition collector; 41. Syed Zahir Hussain; 42. Ghulam Mustafa; 43 Muhammad Hanif; 44. Sidiq Muhammad; 45 Sameer Amjad (Misuse of authority/Corruption in acquisition of land); 46. Muhammad Siddique, SE Public Health Engineer, circle Sahiwal (Assets); 47. Muhammad Asad Lali, Ex-LAC Motorways NHA ( Misuse of authority); 48. Rasheed Ahmed Patwari, Tech & Distt Lodhran (Assets Case); 49. Mirza Sher Muhammad, Ex-Accountant (BS- 14) SSP office Muzaffargarh (Assets Case); 50. Seth Nisar Ahmad (Misappropriation of Customs duty); 51. Murid Ahmad Baloch, Ex-XEN Pak PWD (Assets Case); 52. Zahid Mahmood, Ex-Senior Assistant State Life Insurance Corp, Faisalabad (Misappropriation and forgery); 53. Afzaal Hussain Qazi, Appraiser Customs Dry Port Sambrial, Sailkot(Misappropriation); 54. Shaukat Hussain Shah, Purchases Inspector (PI) PASSCO Lahore Misappropriation of wheat); 55. Maqbool Ahmad, Assistant Purchase Insp (Misappropriation of wheat); 56 Amanullah Sidhu, Project Manager; 57. Hameed-ur-Rehman, Zonal Head; 58. Noor Jamal XEN PWD, Multan and others (Assets beyond means); 59. Sardar Muhammad Naseem, Ex-Junior Clerk, DC Officer Lahore (Assets beyond means) Ishtiaq Ahmed Awan; 60. Muhammad Usman, Ex-UDC (Embezzlement in refund vouchers); 61. Arshad Mehmood LDC Income Tax Multan (Embezzlement in refund vouchers); 62. Muhammad Akhtar; 63. Waheed-ur-Rehman; (Embezzlement in refund vouchers)64. Ishtiaq Ahmad Awan, (Co-accused in Malik Mushtaq Ahmad Awan, Ex-MPA case); 65. Ahmad Raiz Sheikh, Ex Deputy Director FIA; 66. Mr. Hussain Haqqani ex-Secretary (Information & Broadcasting)( Co accused in Ms BB Case of TV channel) : 67. Brig (R) Aslam Hayat Qureshi ex-Secretary Commerce ( Co accused in ARY Gold case); 68. Mr AR Siddiqui ex-Chairman CB (Co accused in AAZ & BB Cases); 69. Saeed Mehdi ex-Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister ( Co accused in Polo ground case) ; 70. Javed Talat ex-Secretary Finance; 71. Salman Farooqi ex-Secretary Commerce; 72. Rehman A. Malik, Ex-Addl DG FIA; 73. Ibrar Hussain Junior Auditor CMA; 74. Inam ur Rehman Sehri, Ex-SP Railways; 75. Ch. Muhammad Aslam Ex-DC CDA; 76. Muhammad Amin, ex-DC CDA; 77. Shaukat Ali Ex-DC CDA; 78. Abdul Ghafoor Dogar, Ex-Secretary CDA; 79. Mushtaq Ahmed Baloch, Ex-AD CDA; 80. Muhammad Ismail Ex-Sub Engineer CDA; 81. Ahmed Khan Ex-DC CDA; 82. Atta Ullah Khan Ex-Account officer CDA; 83. Muhammad Farooq, Ex-Patwari CDA; 84. Muzamil Hussain Ex-Patwari CDA; 85. Dawood Khan, Copy Clerk CDA; 86. Muhammad Iqbal, Ex DD Planning CDA; 87. Habib Ullah Tasnim, Asst. Manager, Central Army Press, GHQ; 88. Muhammad Saeed Ex-Asst. Store Keeper, Central Army Press, GHQ; 89. Mohi ud Din Jameeli, Ex-DG Services CDA; 90. Muhammad Ashfaq, Ex-DD CDA; 91. Raheel J. Qureshi, OGDC; 92. Muhammad Farooq, Official of GPO; 93. Salim Raza Official of GPO; 94. Muhammad Anwar Official of GPO; 95. Muhammad Akhtar Official of GPO; 96. Arshad Mehmood Official of GPO; 97. Raja Zahid Hussain Ex-Tehsildar Rwp; 98. Abul Naeem Khan Ex DG ML&C; 99. Sh. Muhammad Amin Ex SSD MEO, Rwp; 100. Abdul Hayee Qamar, AD Land ML&C

101. Qazi Naeem Ahmed Ex DG ML&C; 102. Abdul Ghafoor Khan; 103. Muhammad Ali; 104. Sharif Alma Padri; 105. Muhammad Zaheer Khan Ex-Chairman SLIC; 106 Iqbal Ahmed Ex-DG NHA; 107. Raees M. Irshad, Ex CE CAA; 108. Ghulam Qadir Lakhan Official of CAA; 109. Shafique Siddiqi Official of CAA; 110. Ahmed Hussain GM (W) CAA; 111 Iqbal Bangash GM(W) CAA; 112. Khurshid Anwar Dy. Manager CAA; 113. M. Akbar Suptd CAA; 114. AD Abbasi Div. Accountant; 115. Kh Farooq Ahmed Jr. Accountant; 116. Rafique Shad Corporate Manager; 117. Ikram Ul Haq Mirza, Ex-Deputy Manager CAA, Rawalpindi; 118. Jaffar Muhammad, Ex. Ed OGDC; 119. Khalid Subhani, Ex-GM OGDC; 120. Capt (R) Nazir Ahmed Ex-Chief Procurement; 121. Najam ul Hassan Ex-Manager OGDC; 122. Muhammad Ishaq; 123. Muzaffar Ul Hassan Ex-Asstt Manager; 124. Capt (Retd) Naseer Ahmed Ex-Secretary; 125. Shahid Ahmed, DG OGDC; 126. Qammar Hussain Shah Ex-Principal Project OGDC; 127. M. Isreal Khan Ex-Dy Chief; 128. Bashir Ahmed Bhatti Ex-Manager OGDC; 129 Murid Ahmed Baloch, Ex-XEN; 130. Sadaqat Ali, Sub Engineer PWD; 131. Khalid Mehmood Nasir, Ex-Sub Engineer PWD; 132. M. Akram Rao, AEE PWD; 133. Rashif Mujeeb siddique, Ex-Div Accounts officer; 134 M. Aslam Shahid Ex-Cashier; 135 Zahid Ullah Khan, Ex-AEE PWD; 136. Zakim Khan Mahsood, XEN MES; 137. Sadiq Ali Khan, EX-MD USC; 138. Sikandar Ali Abbasi; 139. Din Muhammad; 140. Ahmed Yar Gondal Ex-Sub-Engineer; 141. Amin Jan Deputy GM PTCL; 142. Peer Mukarram Ul Haq EX-PCP; 143. Usman Ghani Khatri, Privatization Commission of Pakistan; 144. Brig (R) Imtiaz Ahmed 145. Adnan A. Khawaja; 146. Nadeem Imtiaz; 147. Ch. Shaukat Ali, Ex-Chairman Zila Council (Zila Council Fraud case); 148. Haji Kabir Khan ex-MNA (Zila Council Fraud case); 149. Ch Zulfiqar Ali, Ex-Chairman Zila Council/ex-MPA (Zila Council Fraud case); 150. Muhammad Jehangir Badar, Ex-MNA/Federal Minister (Assets Corruption in SSGC); 151. Malik Mushtaq Ahmad Awan, Ex-MPA (Embezzlement in Octroi contracts); 152. Rana Nazir Ahmad, Ex-MNA/Minister (Assets case Misuse of authority); 153. Mian Muhammad Rashid, Ex-MPA (Assets/illegal appointment); 154. Mrs Nusrat Bhutto, Ex-MNA (Assets case); 155. Tariq Anees, Ex-MPA (Assets beyond means); 156. Ch Abdul Hameed, Ex-MNA/Mayor Sargodha (Assets beyond means); 157. Mian Tariq Mehmood, Ex-MPA of Gujrat; 158. Haji Muhammad Nawaz Khokhar, Ex-MNA/Deputy Speaker National Assembly of Pakistan;

159. Asif Ali Zardari ex-MNA ( Received kickbacks from SGS PSI Company, Grant of license to ARY Gold which caused loss to govt, Corruption in purchase of URSUS Tractors under Awami Tractor Scheme, Illegal award of contract to Cotechna for pre-shipment, Assets beyond means Case, Received Kickbacks from Sajjad Ahmed (late) ex Chairman Pak Steel Mills, Illegal construction of Polo ground at PM House, Money Laundering SGS Swiss Case);

160. Nawab M Yousaf Talpur Ex-MNA (Co accused in URSUS Tractors Case);

161. Anwar Saifullah Khan ex-MNA/Federal Minister (Misuse of authority in allocating LPG/Appointments); 162. Ch Ahmed Mukhtar, ex-Federal Minister for Commerce and Industry; 163. Sardar Mansoor Laghari, Ex-MNA, (Corruption in Utility Stores Corporation) Sadiq Ali Khan.

Govt servants & others (NAB Sindh)

164. Muhammad Usman Farooqui Ex-Chairman, Pakistan Steel Mills ( Caused loss to PSM through illegal disposal of 15.93MT of ends cuts, Procurement of Ferro Sillicon at higher rates);165. Mashkoor Ahmed Usman; 166. Aurangzeb; 167. Moin Ul Arfeen, Dir (Finance) PSM; 168. Akhtar H. Askari; 169. Kher M. Kalochi (Purchases on exorbitant prices for PSM); 170. Syed Iqtedar Rasool; 171. Qaiser Raza; 172. Irfanuddin; 173. Hasanuddin; 174. Qurtabn Ali Jatoi; 175. Mushtaque Ali Jatoi (Caused loss to PSM through import of PIG Iron); 176. Yousuf Jamal Salee; 177. Moin Ul Arfeen Dir (Finance) PSM; 178. Abdul Sattar Dero, GM PQA; 179. Pir Deedar Ahmed Sarhandi AVP, HBL, HO, Karachi; 180. Muhammad Younus Dalia Ex-President of HBL; 181. Rehman Malik S/o Feroz Din Ex-DG FIA & others; 182. Muhammad Sharif Qureshi,

183. Moeen Ashraf; 184. Sajjad Haider; 185. Muhammad Nawaz Butt collector Customs, Karachi; 186. Imtiaz Ali Taj CE M/s Charly Ent; 187. Khalid Aziz Examining Officer Customs; 188. Mumtaz Ali Changezi, Assistant collector Custom

189. Imtiaz Ali Taj; 190. M. Nawaz Butt; 191. Khalid Aziz; 192. Nayyar Bari, Ex-DG Textile Quota (17 Cases); 193. Anees Alam Ex-DD EPB (20 cases) (Illegal allotment of textile quota. B forgery/fraud. C Obtain illegal benefits in connivance with exporters); 194. Akram Alam ex-DG Textile Quota (11 cases);195. Syed Arifeen Ex-Dir (Textile Quota, 9 case); 196. (M.B) Moula Bux Abbasi S/o Nabi Bux Abbasi Ex-Chairman, NBP (Corruption and corrupt practices/loan default) ; 197. Agha Ishrat Ali, Assistant Director FIA and others (Assets beyond means); 198. Siraj Saleem Shamusuddin, Additional Secretary (Retd) (Illegal appointment); 199. Muhammad Salman Farooqui, Ex-Secretary (Retd) Commerce (a: Illegal allotment of textile quota. B, forgery/fraud. C, Obtain illegal benefits in connivance with exporters); 200. Chaudhary Muhammad Sharif, EX-Deputy Director (immigration ) FIA ( Assets beyond means); 201. Javed Iqbal Mirza, Ex-Addl Commissioner Income Tax, Karachi (Assets beyond known sources of income); 202. Aftab Ahmed, Ex-DMD, KW& SB, Karachi (Misuse of authority in awarding contracts); 203. Fareed Ahmed Soomro, KW&SB (Misuse of authority in awarding contracts; 204. Shadab Musrat, KW&SB; 205. Abrar Ahmed, Commissioner Income Tax, CBR (Assets beyond known sources of income); 206. Javed Bukhari, Ex-Chairman, PACO; 207. Muzzamal Niazi; 208. Irshad Ahmed Shaikh, Ex-DG PAQ and Co-accused; 209. Pir Bux Solangi, Assistant Executive Engineer, PQA; 210. Abdul Sattar Mandokhel, Businessman; 211. SM Atta ur Rehman, Ex-GM PQA; 212. Sahib Dad Mengal, Ex-DGM (BWSS & Engr) PQA; 213. Hamza Khan Gabol, Asstt Executive Engineer, PAQ; 214. Manzoor Ahmed Bhutto, Assistant Engr; 215. Engineer Telephone Pano Aqil; 216. Shamsuddin; 217. Ayaz Ahmed; 218. Mukhtiar Ahmed; 219. Muhammad Ali; 220. Abdul Aziz; 221. Rasheed Muhammad Qureshi; 222. Noor Muhammad Kaka (Inspector FIA); 223. Maj (R) Muhammad Rashed Khan, Ex-Administrator ETPB (SZ) Karachi and others; 224. Maqsood Ahmed, Ex-Manager (Sales & Dispatch) Thatta Cement; 225. Riaz ul Hassan Rizvi, ex-Sales Manager TCCL; 226. Ali Qaswar Bokhari, Additional Director FIA HQ Islamabad; 227. Ramesh M. Udeshi, Ex-Secretary Land Utilization Department, BOR; 228. Ghulam Abbas Soomro; 229. Khan Muhammad Qureshi; 230. RB Rahoo (KPT lands case); 231. Agha Siraj Ahmad Durrani, Ex-Minister for Education, Sindh (Misuse of authority).

NWFP

Govt servants (NAB)

232. Syed Zahir Shah ex-DG Peshawar Development Authority.

(Politicians) 233. Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao, Ex-Chief Minister NWFP (Misuse of authority/illegal allotment of plots/Assets Case); 234. Ghani-ur-Rehman, Ex-Provincial Minister NWFP (Assets beyond means); 235. Haji Gulsher Khan, Ex-Senator (Misuse of authority/acquisition of land); 236. Habibullah Khan Kundi, Ex-Provincial Minister NWFP (Misuse of authority/acquisition).

Balochistan

Govt servants

237. Muhammad Younas Butt, Supdt Custom, Check Post Mand; 238. IP Sherdad Khan; 239. IP Sajid Hussain; 240. IP Riaz Malik; 241. IP Muhammad Sarwar; 242. Abdul Hameed Siddiqui; 243. Muhammad Iqbal, Senior Store Manager, Utility Store Corporation; 244. Zamarak Khan, District Engineer, Water Supply Cell, UNHCR, Quetta; 245. Sh Manzoor Ali, Re Officer Wadpa; 246. Hafiz Matiullah, Assistant Revenue Officer, Wapda, Pashin; 247. Muhammad Iqbal, Office Supdt.

Politicians

248. Mir Baz Muhammad Khetran, Ex-Federal Minister (Misappropriation of govt funds allocated for Peoples Works Programmes).

Projected winners of Gilgit-Baltistan Elections

The elections for the Northern Areas are taking place today.  These regions were left stranded since 1948 due to the UN Kashmir resolution calling for a plebiscite that would decide the fate of the region.  However, the people of Gilgit and Baltistan are non-Kashmiris.  The region is said to have been incorporated into the Kashmir princely province by the British colonial rulers.  Due to the UN resolution, Pakistan refrained from tampering with any major adjustment by providing a provincial status to the region.  These elections, the first for the people of the area, will be a major policy change. 

All the major political parties are contesting the elections.  Whereas the Punjab bye-elections have been delayed under the excuse of 'security threats', the locals appear quite eager to exercise their right to vote and advance their region's right to eventually become the fifth province of Pakistan.

While the People's Party has had a huge dip in fortunes due to it's rather suicidal stances on the judicial movement and the infamous NRO, the PPP will likely come out on top at the elections today in Gilgit-Baltistan.  For one thing, the PPP has traditionally done well among the minority groups.  The GB region is predominantly known to be of the Shia and/or Ismaili Muslim communities.  Secondly, these groups are fervent opponents of the Taliban - of any kind.  The unambiguous stance against the Taliban adopted by political parties like the PPP and the MQM will serve them well.  The latter may find some support base as the region is mostly composed of 'middle class' elements.

On the other hand, parties who are either based on individual land-lords, or oppose the military stance against the Taliban in one way or another, or are seen failing to represent the minorities of the nation, will most likely receive a sound thumping.  Irrespective of the outcome, the electoral process in the region should force many of the one-point agenda political parties with 'uniform' policies to realign their vision.  The elections in Gilgit-Baltistan, though numerically insignificant, will go a long way in forcing to innovate the banal ideological frameworks of most of Pakistan's political forces.

Slide of the PPP

While I don't support the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), it carries the most points for representing all sections of the Pakistani society, unlike any other political organization. So there is always a tinge of hope, despite its flaws, that the PPP survive these self-inflicted wounds. While the relationship between the Pakistan establishment and the military hierarchy has always been troublesome with the latter playing a dubious role at best, the current situation of dire proportions is a result of President Zardari's incredibly lethargic and bogged mind.

The PPP's fortunes have been depleting since it came to power. Being a 'populist' party, it intentionally (and criminally) stood on the wrong side of history when it came to the judicial movement. Such a scar would be bad enough. But Zardari pressed ahead with the 'National Reconciliation Ordinance' (NRO) - a law meant to help a few get away from corruption charges - mostly it is said, to save his own skin in the future. NRO was always. It's most 'noble' objectives could have been achieved in an egalitarian, across-the-board stance, assisting all those thousands languishing in jails without verdicts on their crimes.

The PPP can make a come-back - but it'll need more inspiring leadership - one that takes a stance at the right time, rather than one that's always forced to make a choice.

War of Attrition

While it's not exactly a war of attrition, there is little choice but to see the fight against the Taliban and the Pakistan state reach a logical end with control of all territory under the country's security forces and laws.

There will be many more terrorist attacks by the Taliban such as the one in the university in Islamabad. However, by attacking soft targets, the Taliban have shown their desperation. Universities across Pakistan have closed for the rest of the week as a result. However, the hardening perception against the Taliban only adds to the determination that this fight should continue till these terrorists are wiped out or made subservient to the laws of the Pakistan Constitution.

Till this is done, we'll just have to take the blows as they come.

Kerry-Lugar Bill: The cat out of the bag

President Zardari's been called a whole lot of things. Manipulative. Conniving. Corrupt. Devious. Shrewd.

Perhaps no one has felt the blows of these alleged traits more than the Pakistan Armed Forces after the passage of the Kerry-Lugar Bill. KLB will provide $1.5 Billion in annual assistance for five years to Pakistan. The problem however, for 'beggars who want to be choosers', is that KLB writes stipulations and conditions that need to be met for Congress to approve this aid every year. While there has been a lot of bru-ha-ha over these conditions in the Pakistan media calling the bill, drafted, signed and approved in a foreign land, as an act of 'selling the nation's sovereignty', the entity that has come out all guns blazing is the Pakistan Army.

The bill asks for various assurances that are more or less already in place. However, what disturbs the khakis is that the bill presses for an assurance that the Pakistan Army is under 'civilian control'. While this stipulation is a blatant act of reaching well into the sovereign realm of Pakistan the objective is something the 'civilian' governments of Pakistan have always had an impossible time in achieving.

The Army has called the shots in areas like the nuclear program, Kashmir policy as well as the policy for Afghanistan. It does not want to see an end to its jurisdiction in these areas.

Thus no surprise to see the armed establishment display horror at the passage of the Kerry-Lugar Bill that in no uncertain terms, delves into the sacred realm of the armed forces.

The opposition parties in Paksitan may cry foul, but the opposition that currently matters, PML-N is offering criticism that intentionally have no sting. It's leader Nawaz Sharif is safely away in London, away from the centers of storm. He thinks he is in a win-win situation. He failed to subdue the Army despite the 75% majority in parliament during his last stint in power. He now sees Zardari attempting it by bringing in the American 'carrot-and-stick' approach.

The Zardari-Army standoff cannot persist for too long. One of them will have to bow out or bow down. Nawaz would be happy with either, though I would assume he may be hoping that the Army, even if victorious, ends up significantly weakened in this stand-off.

The Pakistan parliament has asked that the 'disputed conditions' be scraped out. The American Congress has no real need to listen. The cat is out of the bag. The Army will unlikely stand for this and will make a move.

The contemptuous figure of Zardari has put his hand in the lion's den. While realizing that the center of power should be in the hands of the parliament, it would be a cruel twist if the current situation eventually results in a ubiquitous thief posthumously turning into a hero (after achieving 'martyrdom').

Waltz with Bashir

Waltz with Bashir. Just saw the film. The gut of the film is gut-wrenching. Perhaps because of the association so many more Palestineans than Israelis (my roomate and neighbors were Palestinian) I immediately took this film in the political context. But that personal bias only enhances my appreciation of this film and the people who made it.

Tim O'Brian un-peeling his journeys in Vietnam leads to this sense of alienation and loss. Perhaps I've forgotten many aspects from "The things they carried", but "Waltz..." leads you, rather hallucinates you and draws you to face a horrific tragedy that has been suppressed.

The Shatila and Sabra massacres being identified with pictures of Jewish Warsaw ghettos being cleaned by Nazis is meant to make a statement. "Waltz...", (as Ariel Sharon is no more) is a late but necessary movie - not for the world but for the Israelis. The narrator having 'forgotten' and failing to recollect the sequence of events, either willfully or through mental obstructions, reveals a nation trying to survive yet not lose its sense of self-conscious and more importantly humanity. The hidden/suppressed guilt of the documentary film maker is really a cry of a people of a nation who feel they cannot be seen to be weak and crying over a tragedy it was complicit in. Yet, it is a trauma that needs an outlet.

Then the sequences reminiscent of "Apocalypse Now" with cowboy-rock star soldiers was spectacular. How does one explain a war? Do you think that Vietnam's greatest cinematic gift is how it denied the celebration of war, of war heroes and rendered victory parades an exercise in the bizarre? It unburdened world's history and its consciousness from the tales of chivalry, of valiant warriors and their bravery in the battlefields.

Sure, we will still get lots of the old stuff, but post-Vietnam cinema has changed everything. Waltz with Bashir is another brilliant why.

[Response to an email to a friend.]

The Entrepreneur

They may not be geniuses. They may not win the Nobel prize. They may not score the most number of runs, nor top the rich and famous. They may not drip with poetics or create the next scientific breakthroughs. They are not philosophers or historians who wish to piece together the external with the internal and make sense of it all in the mind.

But entrepreneurs are the pulse, the heartbeat and spirit of a people. Never resting, always attempting new visions, embarking on new un-ventured journeys, struggling and grappling, connecting ideas with reality and generating new social patterns and forcing better, refined systems, these are just some traits of entrepreneurs that deserve our salutations.

Minorities attacked

Minorities don't seem to have it any better under the new government dispensation despite the commonly held view that the current government lead by the PPP courts most of their votes.

The attacks on Christian communities in the outlying areas of the Punjab reveals the breakdown in the government's ability to grapple with criminals using religious motivations to secure land and/or money. The police show their incompetence in the face of religious bigotry espoused by some Muslims and no one really seems to want to take these cases through the courts of law.

I hope at some point the PPP or other parties who have sincere concerns about the minority groups in Pakistan gain the courage to eradicate the source of the problem - that being the laws that favor the majority at the expense of the minority.

The blessings of Taliban

A group that once was admired by so many Pakistanis, heaped praise, given justification, and even looked up to as a model, finds itself on a slippery slope whose descent is bound to make the appeal muddier and muddier.

But the cancer of Taliban and their ideology has unleashed several positive movements that were both expected and surprisingly unexpected. Two of being:

1) The emergence of the Taliban cancer forced Pakistanis to think long and hard about what was in store for them if they didn't work to reform their judicial system. While the judicial movement had other catalysts and the movement turned into a tide for other reasons, the cancer of the Taliban ideology has cemented the awareness that without reforming the judicial system, the people will be left having to contend with fascist and archaic systems.

and surprisingly,

2) At a sitting with a friend from Quetta who has several businesses in the city, we began to discuss the anti-Punjabi feelings of Baluchistan. Apparently, he claimed, although the "anti-Punjabi" slogans had begun by the Pushtuuns, after emergence of the Taliban in FATA, the slogan no longer holds much value among the Pushtuuns. The slogan has plenty of resonance among the Baloch tribes of course, but due to the Pakistan Army aggressively taking an anti-Taliban stance, the Pushtuuns in Quetta and Balochistan have become pro-Pakistan. The feeling and thinking is, that only the Pakistan Army can deal the necessary blow to the Taliban.

It's surprising in that it took a cancer like the Taliban to bridge at least one ethnic divide.

Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan (Northern Areas)

The acquisition and retention of power has for time immemorial cut all those claiming to uphold majestic principles and morality down to size. It is a natural reaction to fight for justice when standing among the victims and wronged. It become a difficult choice when giving justice means losing privileges, prestige and power.

Pakistanis in general were unanimous in supporting the movement to restore the judiciary so that the fundamental rights of the people can be protected and the state held accountable. But those same supporters would refuse to see justice given to the minorities or Ahmedies of the country.

It is thus not surprising that the Kashimiri leaders, whose 'principled' stance for a right to self-determination was carried around like a torch, turn around and refuse the people of the Northern Areas to be governed separately under the Pakistan government's initiative of giving the area a new name - Gilgit-Baltistan - and unique powers separate from the rest of Kashmir.

The people of Gilgit-Baltistan are non-Kashmiris speaking a variety of languages. They claim they rose and fought the Dogra rule in 1948. Historically, the region was separate from Kashmir but 'gifted' to the princely Kashmiri state by the British in the mid-19th century. The people are predominantly Shia and have for a long time desired to become the fifth province of Pakistan and do not like to be linked to the Kashmiris.

Pakistan could have given them that recognition but for the UN Resolution of 1949 under which the status of Kashmir is disputed and treated as a whole. Thus any alteration that would push the region into the sphere of Pakistani legal codes, would mean a negation of the resolution on Kashmir - a resolution that is the basis for Pakistan's stance on Kashmir.

Thus Pakistan has only gone half-way in tweaking the status of Gilgit-Baltistan - much to the displeasure of the locals. However, the Kashmiri leaders are angry for even this tweak and refuse to accept the region being declared something outside the Kashmiri property.

While Kashimiri leaders are happy to call for the right of self-determination for Kashmiris, they are unwilling to give the same right of self-determination to the people of Gilgit-Baltistan.

Military killing militants

Growing reports suggest that the Pakistan Army is committing extra-judicial killings of suspected militants in Swat after having secured its positions in the region.

A report in the BBC.

Another in Dawn.

Others claim that the relatives of those who were brutally murdered by the Taliban are now taking revenge on the fascist Islamist group.

Whatever the case may be, this compounds the Taliban dilemmas. Taliban have clearly lost popular support and anything and everything they adds to their negative perception. It is a remarkable turn around when only a few months ago, despite the atrocities by the group, many still saw the Taliban as 'generally good folks'. Others would go out of their way to explain how there are the 'good Taliban' and 'the bad Taliban'. Many pointed to how even the NATO forces were willing to talk to the Taliban in Afghanistan and thus so should Pakistan in Swat.

Some who did not like the Taliban but opposed the military operation against them without offering any credible counter plan, are silenced. They cannot go to Swat and tell the people 'Taliban just want a fairer judicial system'. The group seems to have lost all justification for existence at least in Swat.

But it works both ways. If we have witnessed a 180 degree turn-around withing a few months, unless there is a concerted effort to bring change in the governance and judicial structures, there is nothing preventing another turn around.

The episodes of extra-judicial killings can back-fire.

Apparently, the government forces seem to have adopted a tactic of retaliating by killing more of the suspected militants than the number the Taliban kill. So whenever someone from Waziristan claims the suicide attack in Lahore, there is a ferocious response by the military in which several times the numbers of suspected militants are killed - and quite likely, many innocent Pakistanis die in the process as well. The message to the Taliban seems to be: 'Pakistani forces will be far more brutal than anything you can do.'

Unfortunately many innocent individuals will die. Even if one died, it should be unforgivable. But in these tit-for-tat killings, the worst thing would be if the civilian structures of the government forget or failed to improve themselves - a failure that would easily give lease of life to other fascists like the Taliban.

Recipients of ISI monies

...Rs10 million were given to Mir Afzal in NWFP province, Rs3.5 million to Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif in Punjab, Rs5.6 million to Lieutenant General (rtd) Rafaqat for advertisement on media, Rs5 million to Jamat-e-Islami, Rs1 million to Begum Abida Hussain, Rs0.5 million to Altaf Hussain Qureshi and Mustafa Sadiq, Rs3.3 million to small groups, Rs5 million to Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi in Sindh, Rs5 million to Jam Sadiq, Rs2.5 million to Muhammad Khan Junejo, Rs2 million to Pir Pagara, Rs0.3 million to Molana Salahuddin, Rs5.4 million to small parties, Rs1.5 million to Humayun Muree, the son-in-law of Bugti, Rs4 million to Jamali, Rs1 million to Kakar, Rs0.7 million to Jam Yousuf, Rs0.5 million Bazinjo and Rs1 million were given to Nadir Mengal.

Source: The News (August 27, 2009)

Ramadan Kabbadi Match

The annual kabbadi (local wrestling form) match took place in Shahpur today. Like the annual Baba Pir festival, Shahpur's most important event, this too went ahead despite it being the month of fasting, the holy month of Ramadan. Although much of the nation puts up a pretense of sobering down and desperately trying to show spiritual revival by forcing restaurants to close down during the day, mandating office hours from 9am - 1pm (not a bad thing that), cutting down on music and replacing it with religious music-less naats etc., fact is, given the chance to celebrate and enjoy, people will be more than willing to do so.

However, I anticipate that in the next few years, people will see the holy month of Ramzan (Ramadan) as a time of 'festivity' rather than 'spiritual revival' - a lot like how Christmas has ended up being in the West. A less religious and more this-wordly event. This is evident from how 'commercialized' the holy month has become via television channels shows, ads of consumer goods, and even through the 'instrumental-less' songs. Unlike the past, there are now cinema houses showing daily feature films.

Personally, I see more of my acquaintances no longer fasting from the past year. Or selectively doing so. The pattern and the signs are both unavoidable and a natural shift toward "rethinking" Ramadan.

Film review: Songs of my motherland

Songs of my motherland/Marooned in Iraq (2002): Film review by Fraz Shafique (reprinted)
= =

Many years ago before our memories were clouded by the moments of heroic bravery at the hangman’s alter which will, for many Arabs, go on to posthumously defining Saddam Hussein, there were innumerable mass graves, gassed victims, orphaned children and menacing jet fighters roaring in the Kurd skies that reminded people of what Saddam stood for.

Bahman Ghobadi’s “Songs of my motherland” (also known as ‘Marooned in Iraq’) is not just a tale of Mirza the legendary Kurd singer but an epic of his people. As Mirza sets out to seek his rebellious ex-wife, Henareh, a belle who has captured the hearts of the people through her voice and her songs, we are introduced to the nuances and shades of the people of the region.

The Kurds are as rugged as their inhospitable landscape locked between the Arab, Turkish and
Iranian nationalists who are willing to forcefully suppress anyone that questions their territorial integrity with calls for a Kurdistan. Yet through the eccentric tribal mannerisms of the Kurdish people and their scant regard for authority the movie reveals the trait of natural defiance comfortably adjusted to a cruel fate that the Kurds have had.

The journey of Mirza with his two sons, the bachelor Barat and Oudeh with seven wives and counting (until one of them produces a son), is of the opposite direction to the flow of the refugees leaving the Iraqi side to avoid the devastating aerial shelling and chemical gas attacks. They meet caravans of distraught Kurds running for cover, others digging for mass graves to identify their massacred kin, and amidst the chaos an isolated school nestled in the mountains with hundreds of orphaned children. Yet Mirza treads on disregarding any advice in his mission to find out why Henareh, the symbolic voice of the Kurds, beckoned him.

Ghobadi’s use of non-actors for the roles may at times end up being disjointed, but the erratic and impetuous nature fluctuating between violent outbursts and an impulsive acceptance of songs, dance and love present a people who refuse to be defined by their misery. Women are symbolically shown as builders and constructors as well as the hope for survival resolute in their determination.

This movie is important as much for its frank introduction of the Kurdish people as it is for remembering the horrors unleashed upon them by a man whose name in the film is preferably attached with a curse (“God damn Saddam!” and “May God destroy Saddam and kill his sons!”) by the displaced Kurds, revealing a defiance that betrays their suppressed and exiled-from-life condition.

While the power of a mobile phone clip of Saddam’s hanging may potentially water down his image as a brutal dictator, the message of this movie will affirm to us that justice took a long time in coming. Such as for Henareh who loses her voice and beauty in the chemical gas attacks.

Who will Britney vote for?

Afghan elections are coming up in a couple of days. I have seen Pakistani elections up-close - from Musharaf's referendum that had deserted booths back in 2002 to the local bodies ones in which one of the polling booths was in my house. There's always a lot of bizarre stuff going on and you can't help but question the possibility of vote fraud at every step of the process with each political party/entity ensuring its presence and representation at the booths with their 'polling agents' holding the voters lists.

While fraud does take place, particularly in the local elections which are hotly contested, so far, Britney (aka 'Jamila' daugther of 'Lali') was never eager to take part in Pakistani elections. But she is apparently doing so in the upcoming Afghan ones. Will she vote for Karzai or the Abdullah Abdullah team?

Rehman Dakait now deceased

"Brandishing his klashinkov, Rehman Dakait (Rehman the Robber), son of deceased Dadal, is hired by the Laloo gang to murder the chief rival, Babu. When a surprised Babu comes face to face with Rehman the Robber, he bursts out laughing and declares:

"Dadal may have given you his name, but in reality, you are my son!"

Babu explains how he had an affair with Rehman's mother, Khadija. Infuriated, Rehman the Robber leaves his adversary (and self-proclaimed biological father) Babu in this world to perform ablution of the insult and murders his mother. "

Thus go the tales that help buffer the reputation of underworld leaders. Rehman Dakait had many ups and down in life as he rose the ranks of Lyari's gangsters. He had been arrested before and managed to escape through the clutches of the police. The police were never effective in Lyari and failed to control spiraling crime. When the recent government came to power, it became public knowledge that Rehman the Robber had been given control over Lyari to help bring down crime. In the early days of the current government, several non-affiliated (freelance?) robbers were caught and burned alive by vigilantes of Rehman Dakait on the spot.

Often when I'd gone to Karachi, I'd stay in Sher Shah's industrial area (south of Lyari, but primarily of Baloch and/or Pathan groups). Not long ago, an entire steel godown had been burned down. My friend who has an industrial unit in the area claims it was burned down after the owner(s) failed to pay the extortion amount to Rehman the Robber. That was the first time I heard of Rehman.

Despite the merry-go-rounds of bribes and extortion, Rehman the Robber was rather well-liked by the people of Lyari, populated primarily by poor Baloch as well as Sindhis and Khachis (Gujratis). When in 2008, the government handed the robber control of a large section of the country's largest city, there were only muted protests. Perhaps people realized that the government had (correctly and finally) lost all faith in its ability to control Lyari and had to rely upon mafia leaders to bring 'peace'.

Of course, back then I had laughed at the preposterous decision by the government. But the mafia tends to be better organized having become adept at making sure all the nuts and bolts of the organization remain well-greased. Unlike the perpetually rusty administration of the government.

Last week, Rehman Dakait was however arrested by the police and killed without trial (to avoid the headache of something called due process of law). Many attended his funeral. While Karachi was littered with his exploits, his memory will remain as long as the government consistently fails to show itself as an effective administrator of the city.

Journey through Urdu Literature

I've been reading Urdu short stories for sometime now and have been impressed by both their versatility, content and wonderfully modernist themes. Starting with Manto, my favorite, other writers I've recently read include Rajinder Singh Bedi, Munshi Premchand, Ismat Chughtai and Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi. In the process I was also encouraged to try out Urdu novels. I recently finished two: Khuda kee bastee and Raja Gidh.

Review: Khuda ke bastee [The adobe of god]

When I began this book, the opening line’s mention of the ‘municipality kee laaltain’ was immediately captivating. I was hoping to see the lamp in the courtyard used with some dramatic effect. It rarely was.

Written by Shaukat Siddiqui, the book catalogues the life of Nosha and his family who never emerge out of poverty, each individually suffering the consequences of their scarcity. Perhaps due to the consistently pessimistic plots of the characters the book is rendered rather mundane. However, there are strong parallel tales of Raja, of Salman, and of course the socialist organization of the Skylarks Salman is a member of. These stories and characters give the book a semblance of literary value as otherwise the book refuses to rise above its crude and rather obviously stated punches of poverty renditions.

The writer showcases potentials of brilliance and nowhere is it more delightfully rendered than through the description of Salman’s family, each of whose characters are fantastically described. From a mother who enjoys reveling in emotional blackmail to a sister eager to reach western shores by any means to a brother who wants to be modern at all costs. Unfortunately the book only gives them a few paragraphs. The resistance that Raja offered, revealing his multidimensional personality is sapped once he becomes a leper. Otherwise, the book is loaded with uni-dimensional characters. Most of it is dedicated to showcasing the lives of Nosha, his sister Razia, his brother Annu and mother and how each of their lives go from bad to worse to terrible.

Review: Raja Gidh [The Vulture]

Banu Qudsia’s novel has sufficient literary merit – particularly with the title theme of vultures becoming the mainstay of symbolism in the book. Unable to acquire Seemi’s love, Qayyum suffers and suffers and suffers. Don’t mean to negate the value of the book, but despite amply more metaphors and a lively switch from Qayyum’s tale to the conference of the birds lead by the Phoenix who are holding the vultures to task, the book seemed to stutter along without really much ambition other than twisting and turning to rephrase the obvious again and again.

Qayyum’s father came out in a hauntingly beautiful manner. Qayyum’s subsequent love interests in Abida, the barren housewife and Ismat, the ageing courtesan living off scrummy roles available on radio shows exhales life into the pages. Brief sparks of appreciation of modern thought and modern ideas by the author pique interest. Particularly since her characters are revolving around a traditional theme.

The desire for dramatics and beating a theme till it murders and mutilates potentially valuable metaphors is how this book commits suicide. I had heard unending praise of ‘Raja Gidh’ as a masterpiece and find it ends up little more than a B-rate romance novel. Urdu literature connoisseurs will lynch me for saying it, so I will be humble and state that my mind was incapable of understanding the ‘finer’ points of the novel.

Although a disappointing beginning, I am nevertheless persisting with Urdu literature though will be trying out 'different' stuff including Mushtaq Yusufi and perhaps, just to liven things up, something potentially heretical, such as Sibt-e-Hassan’s 'Mosa say Marx tak' (From Moses to Marx) :)

The lawlessness at Gojra

From today's Dawn editorial:

"A state held hostage by its own bigots cannot guarantee protection for religious minorities in its jurisdiction. For that to happen, the state will have to ensure that all forms of religious discrimination, including faith-based laws that victimise even innocent civilians, are done away with. "

The day is not far off, when Chief Justice's claim that any law that is against the fundamental rights of a Pakistani citizen is illegal, will come out marching in spirit. Our politicians may be cowards and refuse to stand up against a small violent minority, but the law will be indiscriminate.

The past week's incidents of Gojra where the Chrisitian minority was targeted by vigilantes and the state apparatus stood by may not be the last time minorities are targeted - but today we can say with some confidence that it will be the beginning of the end of fascist minorities abusing laws without the fear of recriminations. If the politicians, namely those of the PML-N continue to muddle the issue and do not provide administrative justice, the doors of the courts are no longer closed. The more these traditional (cowardly) politicians try to pass the buck of clearing the stables to the judges, the more likely we will see a rise of middle class politics emboldened by the assurance that the courts will provide them an even playing field.

BOKO HARAM

The emergence of 'Nigerian Taliban' who have demanded stricter application of religious laws and resulted in hundreds of deaths underlines the importance of how we impart historical education.

It is an unfortunate given that failures of the governance and judicial system is rampant in third world nations. Those are the root causes of problems.

These problems become exacerbated when historical baggage and historical fallacies go hand in hand. While society takes time to unburden itself of traditions and social mores through an evolutionary process, having unfounded beliefs in lies of history can break progress and result in blind violence as witnessed in Nigeria.

The 'Nigerian Taliban' apparently desire the 'pure Caliphate' as witnessed in the past. Fact is, nowhere in Muslim history was there ever a time that a Caliph 'lost' the support of people and resigned willingly allowing his opponent to become the ruler. This transition, the hallmark of modern governance, never took place - even during the most ideal times of Muslim history. The ruler had to either die, be killed or decapitated in order for a transition to occur. Despite the arrogant disregard of this glaring reality, we are told to believe that the rule of Caliphs was 'ideal'. Naturally since there is no room given for an objective assessment of the pros and cons of Caliph rule, one has to either accept everything or face emotional outbursts (at the very least).

The fact that people today so readily become inspired by a highly questionable system of governance reflects both the decadence in today's post-colonial systems as well as the stupidity of believing in the unsubstantiated lies of history without any questions asked. The repercussions of historical lies continue to be felt.

But what else can one expect from the Nigerian Islamic sect called 'Boko Haram', that is behind the violent demands. The meaning of 'Boko Haram' translates into 'Education is prohibited'.

Unlike 'Lays Chips', which are halal :)

SC's verdict: the lurking threat of a punch

The verdict both stamps the SC's authority whereby the PCO judges are shown the door, the Nov 3 decision is given an unqualified rejection and thereby becoming another step to setting a precedent to rejecting unconstitutional acts. This by itself is a great leap forward.

Now the Parliament has to step up and legislate what portions/parts of post-Nov 3 actions it wants explicitly 'legalized'. As I view it, the SC has 'humbly' (rather, intelligently) given Parliament the chance to step up and be counted as a pillar of the state. The Parliament must decide, in view of the entire nation and it's vibrant media, if it wants to legalize ridiculous ordinances that clean the slate of the rich and powerful, but refuse to absolve the thousands of prisoners languishing in jails, 60% of whom have served more time than their alleged crime justifies, and still have not heard a verdict of guilt or innocence due to a corrupt judicial system. These ordinances will have be to be legislated. The Parliament is now forced to do its job. Whatsmore, its integrity is at stake.

I don't think the Parliament has any choice left. By wholeheartedly accepting the SC decision, it may have saved itself the embarrassment for now. However, SC has opened the floodgates just enough to let all and sundry know that if the Parliament doesn't get its act straight, the SC has the way clear to proceed with cleaning the stables as it sees fit.

The threat of a potential punch is better than the punch itself.

The curious canter around the main culprit

While the posture of the judiciary has been positively aggressive, one cannot but be amused by the reaction of the startled players of the drama.

For the first time in Pakistan's history, the judiciary is holding to account actions of those who wrecked havoc with the constitution and believed they could get away with it. One unconstitutional act after another was undertaken without any questions. Now those actions are not only under scrutiny, but openly ridiculed and criticized by the judges. The intention is clear. Their words are clear.

What is not clear is how other institutions, namely the parliament will react. Because what the judges are saying when rejecting unconstitutional actions of the past is that the constitution is supreme. The logical question then becomes, what should be done to those who negate the constitution? This question cannot be avoided. Because the constitution is only supreme as long as everyone is made to respect it. And respect will only occur when those who openly disrespected it are brought to account.

Under Pakistan's constitution, only the sitting government can file a case of treason against a person who has negated the law of the land. But will the PPP led government do the deed of filing a case against Musharaf? Will the Pakistan Army allow their former General to be paraded as around as a man who defiled the constitution and who has admited to doing so in his book and speeches? Will the Army allow their leader to be prosecuted and punished under Article 6 that demands a death penalty for those who abrogate the constitution as Musharaf accepted he did?

It is not just the PPP who is hesitant. All Pakistani politicians, while claiming they want to see Musharaf tried, are afraid of how the Army will react. While the judges of the judiciary stood up to the might of the Pakistan Army and refused to be bowed by it, the politicians have not gone through the same struggles. They are still living in fear of the Army's reaction. Thus no one wants to 'clap' with what the judges are about to do.

However, the judiciary cannot fight the battle to ensure the constitution remain supreme alone. The parliament must step forward to complete the process.

So far, the politicians are merely running in circles agreeing that there should be accountability, but unwilling to be the first to openly declare the trial of the former general. Which is again amusing, in that targeting Musharaf sells well to the public and is a 'winning' political issue. But the lingering fear of the Army's reaction brings out the coward in the politicians who are happier leaving the judges to clean the stables. Because after all, Musharaf was not the only culprit in abrogating the Constitution. He literally had an army following him. And with that connection, Pakistan could potentially enter the next phase, delayed for far too long, of its evolution.

Complaints of lack of consumerism

The Economist is a magazine I look forward to reading when the new print edition becomes available every Friday. I am sure those writing for it are quite adept at understanding the global economic situation. But when I hear them moaning about lack of 'consumption' which is preventing a full turn around in the recession-hit economy, I fail to be inspired by the logic. Perhaps it's the catch-22 situation whereby the current economic crisis in many ways resulted from the lack of regulations on people who spent more than they could possibly pay back but to come out of the depression-like situation, the world needs people to spend more.

Naturally an increase in production will be tied directly to consumer confidence and while it isn't necessarily a 'chicken or egg' situation, perhaps encouraging consumption isn't the best way to break this cycle.

One would be better served to stick to the invisible hand theory presented by Adam Smith. The inefficiencies in the economic sector - be it producers or service providers will be brutally pushed out and force the markets to find a way to both generate production as well as demand. Necessities will determine new solutions. Which makes one wonder if the economic stimulus packages that were churned out in China, USA and Europe were in consonance with market forces or if they were merely an attempt to cover-up the glaring holes that required better regulations. Time will tell.

Should PTI target Local Bodies Members?

After the unforgivable blunders committed on the Swat issue whereby the party leadership was happily arguing in favor of PCO II - i.e. "Nizam-e-Adl" which also came via the barrel of the gun - Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and Chairman Khan have an opportunity to redeem themselves and fill the vacuum intentionally and rather criminally created by the two mainstream parties, the PPP and PML-N.

PTI has done substantial work in trying to build grassroots support in the dozen or so major districts of Pakistan. However, there are over 124 districts in the country. Reaching them with the current resource constraints and pace will take several years. Rather than wasting time calling for national mid-term elections when the party has not even had any of its internal party elections much less presence in most of the districts of Pakistan, innovative ways to reach the grassroots should be entertained and applied.

One such way, found discussed in drawing rooms at least, is to team up with the members of the local bodies - many of whom are associated with the PML-Q. These local bodies members have over 8 years of experience at the grassroot levels. They have dealt with the daily problems of their constituents and were compelled to at least give attention to them if not offer solutions. They now find themselves ostracized by the new government. But this doesn't mean these 'grassroot politicians' will simply disappear. PTI could integrate them into its fold. This would give PTI immediate access to nearly all the districts of the country. Plus, the 'administrative' web the PPP and the PML-N want to weave will result in failure as no civil servant running the districts would be willing to spend even 1/100th the time listening to the farmers and laborers that a local councillor had to give his attention to. The hara-kiri that the PPP and PML-N want to commit offers PTI a chance to embrace the members of the local bodies into the party and enter into a win-win alliance. The 'administrators' will naturally fail and the local bodies members, despite being 'tarnished' by Musharaf, would easily be seen as both accessible and preferable than the 'babus' (bureaucrats).

The Pakistan media and the people at large have tasted the benefits of the local bodies system. The media has unanimously supported the local bodies. Everyone I have spoken to in my UC and friends from other districts support the local bodies system as it gives them direct access to their representatives who don't sit in Lahore or Islamabad, but are right next door.

Chairman Khan has often said that the role of MPA's and MNA's in a parliamentary system is not to build toilets or build roads (when Ayaz Amir became an MPA in 1997, he wrote he was allocated 150 commodes to distribute to his constituents). MPA's and MNA's are part of the legislative branch and should have very little to do with development funds. Too much power into the hands of MPA's and MNA's is creating grounds for corruption. Absolute power corrupts absolutely. While there are no statistics to show that local bodies are 'less corrupt', it is rather difficult to make grandscale kickbacks at the union council level with 2 lacs budget allocations than you can with 2 crores at the provincial levels.

PTI has done the right thing by calling for local bodies elections and should take it up with the same motivation it took up the movement to restore the judiciary. The party would be supporting a proven system - despite some of its flaws which could be improved - that in letter and spirit was a force of decentralization and handed power to the towns, alleys and mohallahs of the nation.

In any case, this blog is meant to guage whether PTI should invite and entice all the local bodies members into the party fold. They are tried and tested politicians who could give the party direct access across the districts of Pakistan in one fell swoop. On the other hand they are former allies of Musharaf. It's a dilemma but one worth entertaining.

[published as blog on www.insaf.pk]

Music to the ears

"ISLAMABAD: Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry said no example of imposing martial law against the judiciary is available anywhere in the world’s history and even in a country like England, General Cromwell had been given exemplary punishment after death."

Baby #1 (aka Zohayb)

Dairy Farm Management Workshop

Time ripe for conspiracy

If the 'establishment' was plotting to bring down this government, now or the next three months would be the opportune time.

Massive power cuts. Factories that find it hard to finish one out of their three potential shifts. High petroleum prices. Elimination of subsidies as condition for acquiring loans. The list is rather continuous.

Because after that, many of the 'worst' things this government inherited would be overcome. Power crisis may be controlled by then. The local bodies elections with the President at the top of the pile could be conducted (perhaps alienating and possibly eroding PML-N's base). The Benazir murder probe may conclude some findings - likely to be un-liked by many. The economy may begin to take a turn for the better. The Swat crisis may have been successfully managed. In short, the 'window of opportunity' that Pakistan's manipulative and underhanded establishment so gleefully seeks would be lost.

And most of all, if the great Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary sets a precedent as he is clearly indicating he will do, the establishment knows their days will be numbered. Politicians come and go - but the 'establishment' may not get any more chances. Now is when the progeny of colonial rule would likely strike.

An important corporate contribution

Coke Studio's collaborated and put together live recordings of modern and classical musicians from Pakistan and the result is incredible. The songs (audio and video files) are available for download (legal) and thus far three episodes have been aired / released. Two more to come soon.

As a token of my appreciation, I will be switching from Pepsi until it outdoes this coup by Coke.

Episode 1
Episode 2
Episode 3

What I like best is how the 'singing' ability of the new breed of modern singers has improved tremendously. Those who got away without considering the 'sur taal' in the past like Ali Azmat can no longer afford to be embarrassed by the young guns like Ali Noor/Hamza or Ali Zafar or even Atif who have strong command over musical notes.

That said, Javed Bashir, who sings with the Meekal Hasan Band, has incredible control. His rendition of NFK's 'Aj Latha Naeenyoan' was a masterpiece. And considering he does not come from the traditional gharanas like the brilliant Shafqat Amanat Ali or Sajjad Ali, Javad's talent and grasp is all the more startling. It leaves no excuse for anyone who sings, to forgo learning the way to sing properly.

Of course, I personally suck at singing.

A success for Big Brother

Ansar Abbasi has helped in solving what is termed a 'cyber crime'.

It is surprising that a journalist would assist in helping to curb freedom of thought and celebrate it. This is likely the first major case of online information being scanned for 'anti-state' activities and will become a precedent for many more to come.

A sad day for journalism. Hopefully this precedent of intruding in on what people write or think will not last long.

A rock and a hard place

The struggles for the judiciary and an independent media launched during Musharaf's dictatorial rule are beginning to pay some dividends. There is a considerable distance to go before institutional independence takes root, but it is no longer business as usual in many respects.

The judiciary has begun to challenge the powers of the executive - something that was unseen since the initial days of Pakistan. Though the role of the judiciary is to interpret laws, the fact that this judiciary was willing to challenge a dictator's interpretation of laws shows the muscle it has formed. It no longer requires a stretch in imagination or strength to take on the 'civilian' government that attempts to shape power according to its whims. Though the President may get away with ordinances, circumventing the parliament for now, in the long run, relying on ordinances will eventually destroy the Presidency - and rightly so.

Public opinion will start to hold its representatives accountable. And this opinion is not just pushed by the reality that there is an institution willing to administer justice now, but is pushed on by a media that has muscle.

Currently PML-N has had to face the the worst with it's Rawalpindi MNA Haji Pervaiz resigning after caught cheating on an exam. Now another PML-N member, Shumaila Rana, was caught going on a spending spree with a stolen credit card. Pictures and CCTV camera footage provided undeniable proof of their actions condemning them beyond, seemingly, any reasonable doubt.

Ms. Rana's video footage shows her selecting some fine jewellry from Siddiq Trade Center happily using the stolen cards to make her payments.

Our politicians are known for bigger crimes like extortion, land grabbing and insider tradings. Cheating on an exam, stealing credit cards...these crimes may 'pale' in comparison to the grand larcony done by the big shots. However, the threat of facing an independent judiciary which is less likely to be bought and the general public has radically altered how our politicians and rulers conduct themselves.

Over the next weeks and months, our politicians will likely find themselves between a rock and a hard place. Thought the PML-N has come in the firing line recently, all other political parties better clean their stables or maintain some degree of discretion. Nawaz Sharif's party may have a lot of muck, but by accepting (even if forced to) defeat, the party has set a benchmark which the rest must follow when it comes to allegations against their members.

No Fake Receipts!

"We apologize for being unable to issue receipts in excess of actual amounts."

The unhappy ordinance with a happy end

After preventing the government from slapping the 'carbon tax', the judiciary seems to be willing to face an executive on the 'routine' matters of business.

While auguring well, it sets the stage for a showdown between the two branches of government. In response, the government has issued a Presidential Ordinance in the form of a "Petroleum Development Levy" which attempts to collect the 122 billion rupees the initially proposed "Carbon Tax" was meant to do.

Naturally all these are good signs for developing institutions of Pakistan.

While I should have filled my car tank yesterday when the prices of petrol had been cut by 10 rupees due to the court order, I missed the window of opportunity as within 24 hours, the prices are back to what they were due to the use of an ordinance.

Personal anguish aside, the fact that the Parliament has once again been side-stepped, reflects the tension and conflict that is rising in the pillars that hold this state together. Whereas the earlier order by the court clipped the 'irrational' exercise of decision by the parliament, the Presidential ordinance enters to side-step both the activist courts as well as the irresolute parliament.

Despite the 'powers' seemingly enjoyed by the President, one cannot help but note that by unwittingly utilizing the tool of the ordinance, Zardari has forced the people to start looking at his powers with a microscope. The lawyers are already threatening to hold daily 'dharna' in Lahore and elsewhere until the ordinance is repealed. The civil society, which was already burdened with taxes, and saw the court a harbinger of good news, will join. The media will highlight the conflict on the street to the very end. Analysts and various stakeholders will have a shootout.

In the end, the powers of the President will be permanently clipped with the Parliament reemerging as the central force of the executive and the judiciary emerging as the arbitrar of justice. Or so I would like it to be scripted...

Electrified Judiciary

In a repeated series of activist undertakings, the supreme court, lead by CJ Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary continues to become a stumbling block in the face of government's financial wizards.

The government had attempted to increase power tariffs once again. However, the court has prevented the government from doing so. While it is clearly a sign of judicial activist, that we all feel happily surprised is because we have never known the judiciary so willing to step in and actually do something about a government bent on applying fixes in the form of excessive tax increases.

The electricity crisis has brought the most difficult summer and with the complete shutdown of the Mangla Dam power units, resulted in the lowest point of this government. To then see its ministers apply 'solutions' in the form of even more taxes is not only ridiculous, it smacks of stupidity. If this electricity crisis was entirely the result of Musharaf's incompetence, the current management decisions reflect a desire to outdo that incompetence.

Iranian Revolution and Neda

Whatever the outcome, the ruling hierarchy of Iran stands exposed and shattered. The aura of purity, integrity, discipline and sanctity stand obliterated with every passing day the protesters in Iran defy authority.

We don't know who Neda Soltan was but like the many young who have stood in the face of authoritarian high handedness, her spirit was not unknown. I only heard her name today and was stunned by the video of her death.

There are already a series of videos commemorating and will keep the spirit of defiance alive until the ayatollahs buckle.

Video 1
Video 2

The Ayatollahs of Iran have taken pages off of Shah's book. The rule of 'vilayat-e-fiqh' is as unnatural and as undemocratic as rule of a one-man dictatorship. As former Iranian President Khatami once said: "If you read the pages of history, anything that has stood in the way of freedom has been damaged. If religion stands in the way of freedom, it will be damaged. "

The clerics may win this battle, but they have already lost the war.

An assertive judiciary

Amongst some of the other instances highlighted whereby the judiciary is seen to be taking on vested and criminal interests, another story in The News reveals the extent to which the 're-throned' judges are itching to go. It was not long ago that the judiciary was seen as an instrument of oppression, a decadent institution that functioned to deny justice.

So it is important perhaps, to magnify any incident in which we can see the judges taking on the interests of the status quo forces. Having 'non-bailable arrest warrants' issued for 30 policemen including the low-ranking officers is not a regular story. Nor is it usual to see the judges commanding the SSP Police to arrest EDO's, DDO's or Deputy Directors.

The judiciary is finally flexing its muscle. And we ain't seen nothing yet!

Alternative views on Iqbal

From time to time, this blog will attempt to critique Allama Iqbal, considered to being Pakistan's national poet and its leading 'intellectual'. Whereas all great philosophers and thinkers have numerous critics who critique, find flaws and reevaluate their philosophies, testing to see if they stand the test of time and expansion of knowledge, Allama Iqbal has no critics.

On numerous occasions I inquired from the Iqbal Academy (located on 6th floor of Aiwan-e-Iqbal, Lahore) to assist me on a book critiquing Iqbal's philosophy or poetry. However, the only book on 'criticisms of Iqbal' in their computerized database was 'Allama Iqbal's criticism of western philosophy'.

While Iqbal may have 'implored' Muslims of the subcontinent to 'think and contemplate', practically he has proven to be an extremely stagnant force in both the intellectual and philosophical realm. The reasons exist in the ideas expounded in his book, 'Reconstruction of religious thought in Islam', a series of seven lectures.

The only person who has attempted to 'critique' Iqbal without inviting accusations of 'unpatriotism' and such forth is Javed Iqbal, the poet's son. A open, broader discussion on Iqbal's philosophy, its limitations, potential and ramifications is needed.

Pakistanis will eventually come to understand that there is more to philosophy and intellect than Iqbal.

As Iqbal would say, 'sitaroan say aagay jehaan aur bhi hain..." [there are world's that exist beyond our imaginations...]

Cases for hope

Examples of cases where the judiciary has begun to do its job and ensuring justice is done.

In the poultry feed case, it has summoned the Federal Bureau of Revenue Chairman Ahmed Waqar on July 19 as per report (Dailytimes). The government's claim that the feed was composed of elements as declared was rejected and a more 'authentic' laboratory test was required. Latif Khosa, the Attorney General was (once again) snubbed.

In a case favoring the laborers, the court has ordered that daily laborers of CAA be regularized.

These cases come in the backdrop of the national judicial policy.

More such cases of the courts stepping in to enforce the law will be highlighted.

Countering Taliban Terrorism

The celebrations for the restoration of the Chief Justice had not even begun and the nation was gifted with the exorbitant rise in the plague known as the Taliban.

The lack of justice, collapse of the educational system, the failure to address the basic problems and defend the rights of the disenfranchised had created a vacuum in the state apparatus. The failures of successive government institutions over the past sixty years had become ingrained in the psyche of the population. No one seemed to rise up and offer a constructive, progressive and viable alternative.

In this vacuum, it was thus not surprising that criminal elements would rear their ugly heads. The lure of quick money for the unskilled, uneducated and indoctrinated in a state that had given up its responsibilities was too powerful and easy to give up. Just like criminals have a field day when security lapses, the Taliban and their decadent beliefs had a field day in wrecking havoc in Swat. Preventing children from recieving polio vaccinations, preventing girls from attaining education and banning music are some of the most assinine examples of their decadent ideology.

While understanding this phenomenon is critical to finding a solution, harping about the failures of the past helps no one. Often our political leaders stoop to constantly regurgitating the need to 'understand' the rise of criminals and Taliban. This explanation at some point starts to sound like a justification and becomes not only counter productive but self-defeating. Such arguments lead one into a corner. For example, earlier this year, some opposition politicians were eager to highlight that there is a difference between the problems in Swat and those of FATA. We were told that the militants in Swat are fighting for their brand of religion (and supposedly, justice). In contract, the fight in FATA was a result of the spillover from the failed policies of NATO. Yet, we find the same politicians today, perhaps to score points, link the fight in Swat to drone attacks in FATA because it has become impossible to give credible justification to the loonies operating in black turbans.

We all hear from our elders of how after partition in 1947, the courts, the police and the bureaucracy of the nation worked with extreme efficiency. The neutrality ingrained by the colonial system in the rules of governance was still in tact. Rulers, including the generals, took care to follow the law. The judges were seen as figures of worthy of extreme respect. Justice was done and seen to be done in most realms of Pakistan.

If today, that British-built system of justice no longer provides relief, should we all pick up guns and start become, looters, murderers and barbarians? Based on the constant rant bordering on 'justification' of rise of criminals, should Punjabis, who remember better days in the early stages of Pakistan, start to arm themselves? If these politicians were 'revolutionaries', then it could make sense. But they are self-proclaimed borderline reformist at best. Including most of us. We should act accordingly.

It seems the argument presented for Swat's demise to Talibanism is amateurish and increasingly sounds like a point-scoring exercise. Particularly if the fascist policies of Taliban are not treated with the same vehemence as those practiced in Karachi by Altaf Hussain. It is unfortunate that we refuse to see the synonyms between the two fascist entities and instead treat them with unequal ferocity. In fact, the Taliban were out rightly rejected by the people of Swat in what everyone considers was a free and fair election in 2008. Voters went to the ballot box despite threats of being bombed by the Taliban, kicked out parties lead by religious personalities and brought in ANP and PPP.

But knowing about the rise of Taliban terrorism is only one side of the coin. Pakistan's internal collapse was all the more notorious only because of the support of militant outfits that were operating at will in locations outside Pakistan. To date, there is no blunt condemnation of the role of the Pakistan establishment in arming and abetting the 'jihadis'. One the one hand the governance system was allowed to collapse and on the other, the state supported the mushrooming growth of decadence inspired by religion. That decadence was 'acceptable' as long as it was directed outside the frontiers, supported the local dictators or foreign powers.
Pakistan's policy of aiding the rebels in Afghanistan at behest of the West with full financial, moral, cinematic (Rambo III) and political backing is still considered the 'right policy' by many in the country. But today's war on terror suddenly seems unacceptable.

While the 'war on terror' should never have been Pakistan's war, the argument becomes difficult to sustain when the state has been complicit in perpetuating 'non-state' actors to commit their violent acts across international borders. Be it those in Afghanistan in the 1980's or in Kashmir in the 1990's. These 'non-state' actors and those supporting them only hurt Pakistan's ability to become a self-sustaining and respectable nation. The Afghan policy only harmed Pakistan in the 1980's under Zia. The same is true of Musharaf's policies in FATA. Unless we make blanket rejection of our past policies undertaken at the behest of and for the support of non-democratic and external forces, we cannot convincingly claim that this is not our war.

To a large extent we are reaping what we sowed.

If we are to understand the 'problem' we need to call out to amend our past policies as well as reform the state institutions. Taliban ideology is the manifestation of all that is wrong in Pakistan and is the 'jahaliya' of the era. It is the 'dajjal' of our time. The decadent ideology of the Taliban offers nothing but a relegation to a life of swine-hood.

Without a vision where justice is easily accessible, where a standardized school system will not disappoint, where basic health facilities are available, where peasants till their own land and the feudal lord has been decapitated, where men and women learn skills to become economically independent, where minds are taught to be progressive, to love and further knowledge, to make music, poetry, art, to create, without encouraging and establishing these ingredients and mechanisms, the war against barbaric Taliban terrorism cannot be won.

Let's be clear. Military might must be used with vicious force when barbarians forcefully overthrow the sacred legal system of Pakistan. We must support this with the same passion as we support the trial of Musharaf under Article 6 for subverting the constitution. But military might will be futile if it is not backed by plans for a better system as sadly is currently the case.

The spate of terrorist attacks which have begun across Pakistan threaten each of us. Today is our test - just like the two years of struggle to restore the Chief Justice was our test. But now, we must go further and re-imagine Pakistan. This is where the role of all political parties becomes vital as the Army cannot win wars.

Political parties, rather than engaging in point scoring exercises, should develop constructive models that offer us something more than apologetic arguments for reasons for the existence of swine known as the Taliban. Already we can see the superior courts lead by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary working to clean out the corrupt practices and personalities in the judicial system. The uplifting declaration that backlog of cases be cleared and that a case should be resolved within a year gives tremendous hope that this system, our system as ennunciated by the Constitution of 1973 is far superior to anything anyone has ever implemented in this land. The judiciary needs the focused support of all political parties as the CJ cannot clean house on his own. The political parties are the entities that can provide the support. If political parties like Maududi's progeny continue to obfuscate the issue, they are becoming an obstacle to the next critical steps in achieving judicial independence and deserve to be labelled as 'Taliban sympathisers'.

It is surprising that the political parties who were at the forefront of the movement for justice over the past two years have lapsed into bickering over whether Taliban terrorism has justification or not. Instead of this apologetic stance, it would be much better to continue supporting the cause for an independent judiciary by remaining true to this agenda and sticking with it, supporting it and condemning, opposing and rejecting anyone, anywhere in Pakistan who tries to destroy this agenda - be they in black turbans or in khakis.

If PTI and other important national parties take this stand, they will take the air out of any argument for an armed lunacy that is seeking to prop up a decadent and obscene system supposedly practiced in the past. We have a better system and it needs the support of all members of society - parliament, opposition, judiciary, military, bureaucracy and civil society to help reform and work.

Pakistan's people are our most precious assets. It is humiliating that we have to resort to armed force to restore order. Even more that millions of our people have to become homeless and live in a limbo and need all our support. Rather than constantly be swayed by these painful individual events, we should seek to tear out the source of this malaise. Supporting the process of democracy, no matter how flawed and upholding the constitution is the first step. Continuing to support our judicial system (rather than the fairy tales of the past) is another step. Anyone who blatantly rejects the constitution of Pakistan while simultaneously refusing to bring change via democratic means reflects a growth in the cancer. It should be dealt with accordingly.

Nawaz does everything right

It seems the man can do no wrong. His maneuverings since returning from hijaz have been well-calculated, and if seen in the context of political intrigue, seem surprisingly bereft of greed. He came and unexpectedly eradicated the equation painlessly doctored by Musharaf for the post-2008 elections in the Punjab and Pakistan. He stood by the Chief Justice and Nawaz's 'heroic' move out of his Model Town residence and across Lahore will at one time or another be used to prop up his status of 'defiance'. While that Long March move was more of a drama - especially since the workers of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf and civil society had borne most of the brunt at GPO Chowk on March 15 - the resistance to engage against and bring down the current government shows political maturity. Nawaz is seething with patience - which will unlikely run out despite his probable re-entry into the parliament after the judicial verdict of May 26.

Now with the declaration that the NFC award will take into account factors other than population, Nawaz and the PML-N have gone a step further. While the PML-N has serious issues with regard to its lack of represenatation in the non-Punjab provinces, the willingness to alter the formula of the NFC award is admirable. If the Punjab Assembly can pass a resolution demanding a change and is willing to sacrifice some revenues for the betterment of the other provinces, it would constructively help in creating provincial harmoy, providing PML-N with votes in the smaller provinces and bolstering the federation.

While I do not support Nawaz Sharif, one cannot dismiss his evolution as a politician. From the child of the military, he no longer hesitates in stating that having a large Army has hurt the country by diverting resources and that Kashmir is the source of our poverty. No politician in Pakistan can hope to get away with such statements (made in May 25, 2009 show of 'Bolta Pakistan').

You know that a politician is doing something right, when he/she can use their stature to make what would otherwise be an unpopular statement, and turn it into a convincing argument.