
Ayesha Siddiqa's book
Military Inc. has given us a good foundation to understand the roles of the Pakistan Army which are well beyond the realm of their professional duties.
Although at times the book seems to be gasping for statistics, this attempt by Ms. Siddiqa nevertheless helps us understand the comprehensive infiltration of the Army and consequent destruction of Pakistani institutions. From housing schemes, construction firms, fertilizer plants and banks, the tentacles of the Milbus is well spread out.
It also reveals other misconceptions - i.e. that it's a Punjabi Army. Although there is truth to this, further inspection reveals that only 3 of the 34 districts of Punjab find representation.
In page 59, her research sheds light on the composition of the Army. It turns out 75% of the Pakistan Army is from three districts in Northern Punjab - presumably Rawalpindi, Attock and Chakwal. Another 20% of the Army recruits hail from 4-5 districts in the NWFP, leaving the rest of the 125 districts of the country with a 5% representation.
With such damning statistics already raising question marks on the ability of the Army to satisfy the heterogenous mix of the country, the intrusion into the markets and economic structures of Pakistan reflect extremely negatively on this institution. The fact that it has taken over through the barrel of the gun and maintains one pointed at the democratic leaders even today, gives the Armed Forces a menacing image. It makes sense then to see the same threatening posture used to make the politicians bow down, also be used to squeeze benefits from the state's financial institutions and fund what often are loss making enterprises benefitting an elite group of officers and their immediate beneficiaries.
I don’t think we should be expecting wonders on the first day - what I am hopeful for is that this will ‘wet the beak’ of the politicians and they will seek more such sessions from those who have deliberately and foolishly lead Pakistan away from the process of democracy.
Some more sessions of the military generals being forced to answer questions and finally, for once in this country’s history, made to sweat for their actions, and we will have the beginning of the end of the Army’s role as the arbitrator of Pakistan’s destiny.
Anyone who thought that merely restoring the judiciary would complete the revolution was living in a fool’s paradise. I was one of those who thought along these lines as well. The obstacles in having an independent judiciary with heroes like CJ Iftikhar Chaudhary restored are not really those placed by Zardari or the parties allied to him. It is the GHQ. Zardari and his cohorts with their allegations of corruptions do not have anywhere near as much to lose as the GHQ if an independent judiciary was given the power to clean up the rot and answer for all the great blunders - all of which were lead by the military - East Pakistan, Kargil, Siachin, and the policy on Afghanistan.
The step to convince the military to answer questions by parliamentarians is a first in starting the process to hold the Army finally accountable.
Already the politicians, particularly the opposition ones, have started to demand more answers.
Sources: The News, Dawn